Protests in Nigeria After Mobil Spills 600,000 Barrels of Oil

oil_theft_7-300x1991st July Youths in Eket and Esit Eket in Akwa Ibom on Monday staged peaceful protests against fresh oil spills in Nkpana community from a Mobil facility i

oil_theft_7-300x1991st July Youths in Eket and Esit Eket in Akwa Ibom on Monday staged peaceful protests against fresh oil spills in Nkpana community from a Mobil facility in Ibeno.

The youths numbering more than 500 protested on major streets in Eket, including the Marina and Terminal roads.

The protesters, under the ages of Core Youth Forum, carried placards with inscriptions: “Oil spill is killing our aquatic life’’, “No compensation for oil spill” and “Enough of this oil spillage,’’ among others.

Mr Godwin Peter, the spokesman of the protesters, said the spill occurred on Saturday and occupied communities along the spill line on Sunday.

He said the spill had devastated aquatic life and destroyed fishing equipment, among others.
Peter appealed to Mobil to urgently clean up the environment.

The youths threatened to disrupt Mobil activities if their demands, which included immediate clean up and compensation, were not met.

Also reacting, Mr Inyang Ekong, the Secretary of the Artisanal Fishermen Association of Nigeria, Akwa Ibom Branch, noted that fishing had been suspended in the area as a result of the spill.

He said that fish would be scarce in the state and appealed to Mobil to replace its old pipes to forestall further occurrence.

Ekong said the spill would cause untold hardships to the people of Ibeno.

When contacted, Mr Akaninyene Esiere, the Manager of Public and Government Affairs at the Qua Iboe Terminal of Mobil, confirmed the incident.

“We have confirmed a liquid release from our Qua Iboe terminal on Sunday, June 29, following serious weather conditions and lightning strikes over the area at the weekend. We have activated our emergency response systems to contain the release. All relevant regulatory authorities and community leaders have been notified.We will continue to work with the community to allow progress in the effort by Mobil to contain the spill,’’ he said.

Esiere said that Mobil was committed to safe environment during its operations.

Earth First! Summer Gathering 2014 – exact location & other practicalities added

Updates: Exact location has been releases – see here

Travel – book your travel to Castle Cary or Bruton train station, then it's a bus journey and 20 minute walk.

Updates: Exact location has been releases – see here

Travel – book your travel to Castle Cary or Bruton train station, then it's a bus journey and 20 minute walk.

Bus times are : 8.14am – 9.44am – 11.44am – 12.33pm – 2.14pm – 4.33pm (last bus).  There's no Sunday service so we will timetable a shuttle bus to return.

Cycling: Bruton is better if you are cycling as it is a mile shorter, and there is also a bus from there too. The last bus from here leaves later.  (Bus times from Bruton are: 9:09am – 10:39am – 12:12pm – 1:39pm – 3:54pm – 5:39pm)

We will post the exact address three weeks before the gathering.

Refreshments – ‘This year there is no bar on site. People are welcome to bring their own but we ask that there's no drinking before dinner/7pm. Anyone causing a nuisance or breaking our Safer Spaces policy will be asked to stop and/or leave. There will be a cafe & snack bar on site.’

Dogs – ‘This year dogs are welcome, but please get in touch in advance, and keep them on a lead at all times on the site.’  Further info

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28th-31st August 2014, in the South West….

A place for people involved in radical green direct action to come together….
to talk….share skills….learn….listen….play….rant…. find out whats going on….
scheme….live outdoors….hang out….laugh….
experience non hierarchical, low impact, family friendly living.

An activist camp that spans 5 days and consists of a programme of workshops throughout each day facilitated by people like you and me who think they have a skill or a level of knowledge in a subject that is valuable to share with others to improve their activism.

Is this camp for you?  Whether you're just starting out in the world of direct action or you're an old (glued and paint-stained) hand at it, you're welcome here.

More info here

Action dates & gatherings now working again!

The action dates and protest gatherings page is once again working!  Apologies, we accidentally deleted it!

If there's any ecological actions that are openly advertised, protest camps or campaign gatherings, that you want to add to it, do it through the submit report link and in the subject, make it clear it's to add to the calendar.  Thanks.

The action dates and protest gatherings page is once again working!  Apologies, we accidentally deleted it!

If there's any ecological actions that are openly advertised, protest camps or campaign gatherings, that you want to add to it, do it through the submit report link and in the subject, make it clear it's to add to the calendar.  Thanks.

Indigenous boy protests on pitch during World Cup opening ceremony

An indigenous Guarani boy held up a banner reading 'Demarcation Now!' at the World Cup's opening ceremony. 16th June One of the three Brazilian children who released

An indigenous Guarani boy held up a banner reading 'Demarcation Now!' at the World Cup's opening ceremony. 16th June One of the three Brazilian children who released white doves during the World Cup opening ceremony used the occasion to demand recognition of Indian land rights – but his protest was censored by FIFA.

Immediately after releasing a white dove, Jeguaká Mirim, an indigenous Guarani boy, held up a red banner reading ‘Demarcation Now!’ But his courageous protest was not broadcast, as the TV cameras swiftly cut away.

Jeguaká’s father, Guarani author Olívio Jekupe, said that the act “showed the world that we are not standing still… My son showed the world what we need the most: the demarcation of our lands.”

The Guarani are Brazil’s most numerous tribe and they live in five states. Much of their land has been stolen from them and is being used for cattle ranching and sugar cane production, whilst many Guarani are forced to live in overcrowded reserves or in roadside camps where malnutrition and disease are rife. Some, like Jeguaká’s community known as Krukutu, live near urban areas like São Paulo on almost no land.

As a result of the loss of their land, the Guarani-Kaiowá of Mato Grosso do Sul state suffer the highest suicide rate in the world, and their leaders are targeted and killed when they attempt to reoccupy patches of their ancestral land.

The Guarani, Survival International and other organizations are calling on the Brazilian government to uphold its own constitution and international law, and map out the Guarani’s land for their exclusive use.

Coca-Cola, one of the World Cup’s main sponsors, has recently become embroiled in the Guarani land scandal by buying sugar from US food giant Bunge, which sources sugar cane from their ancestral land. The Guarani are urging Coca-Cola to respect their rights and stop this purchase immediately.

Coca-Cola and FIFA's image has been contrasted with an angry Indian man demanding, 'Let the Guarani live!'

To highlight the deep irony of Coca-Cola and FIFA promoting the World Cup with an image of a happy Indian man with the words ‘Welcome to the World Cup for Everyone’, Survival has created a spoof ad featuring Nixiwaka, a Yawanawa Indian welcoming the viewer to ‘The Dark Side of Brazil’ and demanding ‘Let the Guarani live!’.

See Survival’s website on the ‘Dark Side of Brazil’ for more examples of Brazil’s assault on indigenous rights.

Patagonia Dam CANCELED!

chao hidroaysen13th June After an eight-year struggle, Chile’s grassroots and environmental movements have successfully won the rejection of five planned megadams on two Patagonian rivers!

chao hidroaysen13th June After an eight-year struggle, Chile’s grassroots and environmental movements have successfully won the rejection of five planned megadams on two Patagonian rivers!

It’s not every day we celebrate a victory as significant and hard-won as today’s triumph in the eight-year campaign to protect Chilean Patagonia from the destructive HidroAysén dam project!

This morning, Chile’s highest administrative authority – the Committee of Ministers – made a unanimous decision to overturn the environmental permits for the controversial five dam mega-project, which was planned on the Baker and Pascua rivers. This highly anticipated resolution effectively cancels the project, ruling that assessment of the project’s impacts was insufficient to grant project approval back in 2011.

The Committee, which consists of the Minister of Environment, Health, Economy, Energy and Mining, Agriculture, and Tourism, evaluated 35 appeals which were filed by the Patagonia Defense Council and local citizens in response to the project’s Environmental Impact Assessment after it was approved in May 2011. Though it has taken more than three years, with meetings and decisions being repeatedly delayed and eventually passed on to the new administration, today’s decision is a recognition of the technical and procedural flaws surrounding HidroAysén as well as the significant impacts the project would have had on one of Chile’s most iconic regions.

What began as a grassroots effort to protect the pristine Baker and Pascua rivers, and the communities and culture of Patagonia, has developed into a fully-fledged international campaign and galvanized a national environmental movement. Over the past four years Chileans have taken to the streets to demand a halt to HidroAysén and around the world an international community has rallied around this call. Today it is these voices that have won out, and together have set in motion a new path towards a bright future for Patagonia and the hope of a truly sustainable energy future for Chile.

Pascua River, Patagonia: Undammed!

Pascua River, Patagonia: Undammed!

To borrow some words from Patricio Rodrigo, Executive Secretary of the Patagonia Defense Council, “The government’s definitive rejection of the HidroAysén project is not only the greatest triumph of the environmental movement in Chile, but marks a turning point, where an empowered public demands to be heard and to participate in the decisions that affect their environment and lives.”

We are thrilled that the government is siding with the majority of Chileans and tens of thousands of people around the world to say no to HidroAysén! We commend President Bachelet for remaining loyal to her campaign promise that HidroAysén would not have her support. And we are looking to the future, with the hope that measures will be put in place to protect this unique region from future threats. (In fact, President Bachelet and the Minister of Environment recently formalized a bill that would create the Department of Biodiversity and Protected Areas (SBAP) with the aim to preserve critical ecosystems throughout Chile.)

4 Arsons against Bristol’s cellular transmission infrastructure over 24 Hours

Around Bristol between June 9th-10th, we left 7 mobile phone antennae in flames. Daily continuation of capitalist society is dependent on uninterrupted flows (of goods, people, data, and energy) and the communications grid is no exception.

Around Bristol between June 9th-10th, we left 7 mobile phone antennae in flames. Daily continuation of capitalist society is dependent on uninterrupted flows (of goods, people, data, and energy) and the communications grid is no exception. The limited uses most of us can make from these flows only mask the way they are mainly used to oversee and impose the dominant order, and increase its' reach and control. You need only look to how the values of connectivity, speed, and mobility that are embodied in a mobile phone (for example) facilitate a relentless consumer culture and the requirement to be available and flexible at all times: as much for the benefit of the boss and the advertiser as for your family or friends. This is fully consistent with the modern restructuring and decentralisation of the gigantic productive system which this society subjects us to. Hindering all this was our objective.

2 antennae went up simultaneously, in Hambrook and outside Ram Hill business park in Coalpit Heath, both owned by O2. This is also not the first time O2 have been singled out for damage acts because of the contracts they hold in the migrant detention industry, with cops, and tagging for the probation service. Some hours later a 3rd O2 antenna went up in Coombe Dingle, at the same time as a 4th fire was lit after gaining access to transmission units connected to the huge BT telecommunication tower in Lockleaze. Signals that will have been affected are those of O2, T-Mobile, Orange and Vodaphone. These corporations variously are connected to the field of military equipment and armament, use prison labour, and are famous for readily collaborating with electronic policing by the secret services (now that widespread data-surveillance is well known) while not even stopping at financing Oxford university with its' extensive animal experimentation labs. This has already led to their interests being attacked in Berlin (T-Mobile's parent company*), Paris (Orange*), and Banbury (Vodaphone*).

For all above reasons it is always good to harm these corporations, structurally and economically, and then there is the issue of the antennae themselves radiating who knows how much harmfulness to nearby species. There were the publicised cases in Bristol even some years ago of a woman in Shirehampton who complained of the affects of an antenna put up on her high rise flatblock and later died from a brain tumor, while an antenna nicknamed The Tower of Doom was withdrawn from Staple Hill after cancer rates soared. Evidence has mounted up that prolonged use of mobile phones damages the immune system, decreases fertility, and causes brain tumors and cancers: especially in the young. We should mention that the antenna we burned in Coombe Dingle is one of three on the grounds of a university sports pitch also marketed for schools, as are many others. Additionally, twisted lab technicians claim to have deduced from experimentation on other mammals (built on torture like so much scientific research) that exposure while still in the womb "significantly damages brain function, structure and behaviour and suggested that these exposures could contribute to children's behavioural disorders".

These products were and still are pushed on us as harmless, although nearly every study that claims this was funded by the industry itself, when we had no idea of the long term affects, similarly to the marketing of asbestos or smoking before they began to show their deadly toll (to use only 2 better known examples among thousands). These days even researchers at Bristol university concede the dangers of cellular use. What a surprise….the permanently wired environment turns out to be toxic, while companies make a killing in profits and the government receives billions in taxes and licensing. For most people prolonged contact with mobile phones or wireless networks in general seems unavoidable, for work or to avoid social marginalisation, in the street, on public transport, or at home: we are soaking in one more accumulative barrage in a poisonous, anti-human and anti-life civilisation that grows by the day.

A recurring feature of the estrangement that technologies such as mobile phones actually cultivate between individuals, is how many addicted to their constant use now prefer to text message or to "tweet" to avoid the prospect of real life contact, and how many only feel safe communicating from behind a device. It is now completely standard for people to spend the majority of their waking hours interfacing with one screen or another. Up and coming inventions such as Google Glass attempt to make this enclosure near total (although also dependent in part on uninterrupted transmission infrastructure). As a society that lives through highly complex technologies, we no longer fully inhabit our bodies and environment but instead some part of the techno-hive: and it is no longer only nerds and the young who practically call this virtual reality their home. As the sphere dominated by information technology expands, what is considered socially of importance in our actual lives shrinks to what can be conveyed and received by the device, and so narrowing human emotion and experience. Or think about the obsessive urge to treat modern life as something less to be lived than to be documented in each detail for passive consumption on the "social" networks, as another example of colonisation by capitalism and its' technology.

Planning and carrying out your existence digitally also allows the possibilities of unprecedented surveillance, and it hinders active rebellion or even questioning of the dominant order by flagging up "abnormalities" in what you often voluntarily share with your friends or "Friends." At the same time, concerted exploitation of the base populations around the world and ecological pillage to the point of collapse continues to fatten the same rich parasites' pockets, and technological immersion helps people neither relate nor care. On the contrary millions now hunger for their part in the way of life that is killing everything.

With an anarchist perspective in search of free and fulfilling existence, we fight to do away with all technologies born from the toxification and slavery of mines, factories, and industrial infrastructures, and for our daily communication to be as unmediated as possible. Taking down these few nodes was not enough for us, it is not a case of simply abandoning the uses of a particular device alone, but it is erasing the whole social system which first trapped us in its' "necessity" which is the challenge. We found antennae an easy way to start: it is simply a matter of burning tires between the exposed cables and away you go. In North Lanarkshire, Scottish villagers even felled one. By reflecting on radical and anti-industrial history in Britain (such as the Swing and Luddite insurrections), as well as contemporary anarchist guerrilla praxis, we can see the advantage of low-tech, cheap, and easily reproducible tactics to wreck machinery that encloses and impoverishes us, on an even more intimate level presently than ever before. These ubiquitous (and highly expensive) structures are spread around every town or city and further industrialising the countryside, where they are sometimes painted green in the attempt to camouflage them: and disgustingly even have bird and bat nesting boxes mounted on some. Their guardians cannot always be watching them all so it is up to our ingenuity to remain a step ahead and stretch their forces thin. This and every network has its' weak points, in these cracks in the architecture of control that afford us leverage: a destructive capacity we are appropriating. As the promises of hyper-technified modern culture continue to show their shallowness, rebels will carry on acting against the noxious installations and the way of life they feed.

"….Resistance against the Technological-Industrial Machine lives only through the path of liberation from every power and order, runs towards an event horizon where nothing has been written yet." -letter from Gianluca Iacovacci, from C.R. San Michele prison

Our attack is not separate from overall anarchist subversion by all means, which naturally includes solidarity with our prisoners in enemy hands. A wild greeting from Bristol to Adriano Antonacci, no less than to his friend and comrade Gianluca (FAI/IRF Subversive Anti-Civilisation individuality) whose brave lone acts in Rome he is also accused of. Hello to the new anarchist and anti-colonial groups in Hong Kong and Australia, and solidarity to the Paris ten accused of sabotaging prison profiteers.

Our attack came at a time when the networks are already set to be overloaded by the World Cup hysteria, to show our complicity with the insurgent fighters in Brazil as they answer massive dispossession and militarised slum clearances for the opulence of the games with street battles and arson. Because it should be remembered that the enthralling spectacle, that is staged to make the rich yet more money and to distract us from our daily humiliations, is based on the State and Capital's violence against resisters, the indigenous, and the poorest in Brazilian society.

Let's not forget Marie Mason and Eric McDavid: both are still behind bars after State repression and entrapment which followed an early string of Earth Liberation Front strikes in the USA. Years later the earth liberation struggle is not defeated either in spirit or in practice. The fight goes on with fur farms raided and emptied across North America, and our incendiary-minded sisters or brothers prowling the besieged Turkish forests, the streets of the Costa Rican metropolis, or the techno-industrial developments in Switzerland (on the last note: a quick reminder that the continuing legal threats against the released anarchists Silvia, Costas and Billy, and also the latest vindictive treatment of Marco Camenisch around his prison transfer, have not gone unnoticed by the international fire-starters).

Down with the society based on dominating earth and all its' creatures. Live Wires, FAI/ELF
(14th contribution to the international Phoenix Project, one more part of a war that will never be contained by a legal code)

* http://en.contrainfo.espiv.net/2013/01/08/berlin-incendiary-attack-on-deutsche-telekom-vehicle-in-friedrichshain/
* http://nantes.indymedia.org/articles/28902
* http://www.directaction.info/news_mar12b_06.htm

A Bloody War for Water in Mexico

Screen Shot 2014-05-29 at 9.04.52 PM30th May Filling a glass from his garden faucet, Juan Ramírez held the swirling water up to the intense Mexican sun.

Screen Shot 2014-05-29 at 9.04.52 PM30th May Filling a glass from his garden faucet, Juan Ramírez held the swirling water up to the intense Mexican sun. Satisfied with its purity, he touched his glass gently against my own. “Your health,” he toasted, before drinking it down in one gulp.

Mexico City’s reservoirs consistently rank amongst the most contaminated supplies to any world capital. Drinking from the tap here is simply not recommended. Ramírez’s water, however, comes directly from a volcanic spring in San Bartolo Ameyalco, an otherwise impoverished town on the hilly southwestern outskirts of Mexico City, in the borough called Alvaro Obregon.

“My grandfather drank from our town’s spring, and his grandfather before him,” Ramírez told me when I visited the town this weekend. “Now the government wants to pipe our town’s water directly into rich households and leave us with its contaminated filth. We are not going to let that happen.”

Ramírez is leader of a group in San Bartolo Ameyalco intent on keeping their water supply local. Last Wednesday, Ramírez along with approximately two thousand other residents of Ameyalco attacked a police force of fifteen hundred riot officers who were guarding the final construction stage of a pipeline that will connect the town’s volcanic spring to Santa Fe, one of the most affluent districts of the Mexican capital.

In videos posted online, San Bartolo residents are seen violently pummeling an officer in riot gear who had fallen to the ground.

The residents beat back both police and pipeline engineers, leaving at least 100 police officers injured, 20 seriously. Residents said dozens were injured on their side, and authorities arrested five people. Mexico City’s government warned that more arrests would come.

While the battle of the morning of May 21 was won by the residents of San Bartolo Ameyalco, what the locals now popularly call the ‘Water War’ is sure to be long and tense.

“The people are united,” said María Chávez, one of the leaders of the town’s resistance, which has based itself in the public library. The municipal building is papered with messages of support from other towns in the region. A banner proclaimed: “Our water is not for sale.”

rioting-for-water-rights-in-mexico-article-body-image-1401136919

“When the local government’s plans to extend our pipelines further afield were drawn up last year, the authorities refused to negotiate with us. Leonel Luna [the borough delegate] told us the water would be going to help other communities in the region. It’s only now that we have put up a fight that they want to talk things over.”

Mexico City’s government sees the international business-aimed satellite city of Santa Fe, a high-end urbanization zone rapidly built upon a dumping ground with no prior water infrastructure, as a pillar of the local and even national economy. Although the details of the plan remain murky, San Bartolo Ameyalco residents are rightly suspicious of any scheme to divert their pure water to the international corporate offices nearby.

Ameyalco, meaning “place where the water spouts” in Nahuatl, was engulfed by Mexico City’s urban sprawl in the 1950s. Its spring produces 60 liters of pure water every second, an amount which runs thin for the 35,000 people who depend on it.

The narrow streets still channel the smells of pine sap and cooking tortillas on the cold mountain air. Neighbors chat in the marketplace about past victories and future strategies and children kick soccer balls against the main square’s murals of the village’s prized spring.

“When I was a child the water was endless,” said Alejandra Espinosa, another town resident. Espinosa has lived her entire 54 years in San Bartolo. “Now, due to the larger population, parts of the town can go a week at a time without running water.”

Mexico City has serious problems with water shortages. One in three homes has no access to running water, forcing them to depend heavily upon water trucks called pipas, which refill homes’ water tanks at exorbitant prices. Seventy-four per cent of the capital’s water is pumped from underground, causing the city itself to sink.

Leonel Luna, delegate of the Alvaro Obregon borough, has stated the spring is to be redirected to serve other towns in the area. Luna claims opposition to the project has been funded by the same businessmen who sell water from pipas, and who don’t want to lose their customer base if more running water is made available to other towns.

Since the government’s announcement in April 2013 that the spring would be connected to a wider network covering the borough, residents of San Bartolo set up camp beside their main supply tank to defend their precious resource. The project to tap the San Bartolo spring for wider use has been in the works for almost two decades, though, authorities note.

On May 21, the town’s church bells sounded out across the hillside to announce the authorities’ arrival. The residents responded to the signal by hurling rocks in the narrow streets, launching fireworks at the police line from windows and destroying plumbing equipment.

“This water belongs to us,” says Manuel Rueda, another activist I met at the public library the movement is using as a base of operations. “We can’t end up paying for the city’s poor planning.”

In the town’s last functioning public laundry, where a communal pool is flanked by washbasins, Laura Hernández wrung the last of the soap from her son’s soccer jersey. She had managed to wash her entire family’s clothes using the single bucket of water she had rationed herself.

“Only half of the houses on my street have running water these days, and I live at the top of town,” she said. “People at the bottom of the hill can go weeks without water. How can we sell our water elsewhere when we have so little?”

rioting-for-water-rights-in-mexico-article-body-image-1401136958

Others say San Bartolo is being selfish with its resource.

“These people don’t understand that other people in the region need their help,” said Rodrigo Pérez García, an event photographer and regular visitor to the town. “They have a free source of water yet they refuse to share it.”

“It’s pure selfishness,” Pérez continued. “At the very least there’s an opportunity to sell it by undercutting the water trucks.”

Leaders of the movement, however, said they are not budging. A series of marches are planned for the coming weeks. In recent days, members of various related or completely unrelated social movements in the Mexico City metropolitan region have sent messages of support to San Bartolo, signaling a wider fight in the public political sphere in Mexico related to the spring.

“We’re willing to negotiate,” said Juan Ramírez, the man who served me a glass of fresh spring water from his garden faucet. “We just don’t want to be treated like brutes. We know our rights like everybody else.”

The Dark Side of Brazil: Police teargas Indians at anti-World Cup protest

Hundreds of Brazilian Indians are protesting against the World Cup 30th May.

Hundreds of Brazilian Indians are protesting against the World Cup 30th May. Hundreds of Brazilian Indians are protesting against the World Cup this week, marching in the streets of Brasília and around the capital’s Mané Garrincha football stadium, calling for their lands and lives to be protected.

Yesterday Indians brandishing bows and arrows and carrying signs reading ‘FIFA NO. DEMARCATION YES!’ were teargassed by police. Watch a video clip here.

There is mounting anger at the government’s failure to recognize and protect their lands, vital for their survival, while spending millions of dollars on hosting the World Cup.

The protestors who are from several tribes have forced FIFA to close the stadium, and to cancel its trophy display.

A delegation of 18 indigenous protestors met the Minister of Justice yesterday. Indigenous leader Sonia Guajajara, national coordinator of the Association of Indigenous Peoples (APIB), said, ‘We are here to show that without our land, we are chained up. We are imprisoned. We are here to demand our rights.’

The Guarani tribe, Brazil’s largest, suffers extremely high malnutrition and suicide rates as their land has been stolen to make way for vast sugar cane plantations. Their leaders are frequently targeted and killed by gunmen acting for the landowners.

They are calling for their land to be demarcated as a matter of urgency before more lives are lost, and for the cancellation of a series of draft bills which, if passed into law, would drastically weaken their, and other tribes’, control over their lands. Those in the Amazon are calling for a halt to the many hydro-electric dams being built on their land.

Earlier this year, Nixiwaka Yawanawá, an Amazon Indian from western Brazil, greeted the World Cup trophy on its arrival in London with a T-shirt reading ‘BRAZIL: STOP DESTROYING INDIANS’.

Brazil is home to more uncontacted tribes than anywhere else in the world. They are the country’s most vulnerable people and face extinction if their lands are not protected. Survival is calling on Brazil to protect their land and remove all invaders, as has recently been achieved with the Awá, Earth’s most threatened tribe.

In the run up to the FIFA World Cup, Survival is highlighting ‘The dark side of Brazil’. Click here to find out more about the situation of Brazilian Indians and the government’s attacks on their rights to their land.

Paramilitaries Shoot at Tribe Over “Forest Reserves” in Philippines

Tigwahanon Village in San Fernando, Bukidnon, Mindanao17th May 2014. The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) is deeply concerned, and demands an investigation into the actions of the secur

Tigwahanon Village in San Fernando, Bukidnon, Mindanao17th May 2014. The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) is deeply concerned, and demands an investigation into the actions of the security guards and their employer landlord for shooting at, and holding at gunpoint, indigenous people who were to occupy their ancestral land in Quezon, Bukidnon.

In their mission report, titled: “‘Pakighiusa’: Solidarity Mission to Members of TINDOGA in Support of Their Struggle for Land and Life,” prepared by Rural Missionaries of the Philippines, Northern Mindanao Sub-Region, it noted that the armed security guards indiscriminately shot at Manobo-Pulangihons tribes on April 23 purposely to drive them away from their land.

The indigenous tribe, composed of 530 families are from four clans, are led by Datu Santiano “Andong” Agdahan. They had already been recognized as the rightful owners of the 623 hectares of land as part of their ancestral domain. Datu Agdahan also heads the TINDOGA (Tribal Indigenous Oppressed Group Association).

On April 23, in support of their claim, the tribes were accompanied by officials from the national and local government agencies, notably the National Commission for the Indigenous People (NCIP), the municipal government, and the police.

But at around 1pm, armed security guards, reportedly working for Mr. Pablo “Poling” Lorenzo III, who claims to be the owner of Rancho Montalvan, were deployed, and allegedly indiscriminately shot at the group. They also held “12 individuals at gun point,” five of whom were women, and three were minors.

The armed men deliberately concealed their identities by not wearing their uniforms. Most of them wore black long sleeves; their faces are either covered with balaclavas or shirts.

The AHRC is of the opinion that the use of force and intimidation, by shooting at the indigenous people and holding them at gunpoint; was done purposely to frighten and intimidate this group of indigenous people claiming their right to occupy their ancestral land.

It is reported that even though the NCIP has already declared the 623 hectares are the ancestral domain of the Manobo-Pulangihons, “only 70 hectares were allotted for use of the claimants. The rest were classified as forest reserves. Interestingly, what is supposed to be forest reserves are mostly planted with “sugarcane and pineapple.”

The AHRC urges the government to hold accountable Ma. Shirlene D. Sario the provincial officer of the NCIP, for allegedly failing to fulfil the obligations required from her to ensure the indigenous people are properly install in their land.

The AHRC also expresses its disappointment at the lack of concern, notably by the local government officials in Quezon, Bukidnon, to failing to address the urgent needs of their own constituents.

The mission report indicated that “no government official from Quezon town to the Provincial government even visited the Manobo-Pulangihons.”

Local Protesters Are Killing Big Oil and Mining Projects Worldwide

we wont stop14th May 2014.

we wont stop14th May 2014. Multinational corporations are infamous for pushing native people off their land in order to open a new gold mine, extract oil, or otherwise extract local resources. For decades, backlash has been thought to be both limited and ineffectual, but new evidence suggests that protests from local people are effective, extremely costly for the companies, and often lead to substantive changes to or total abandonment of a project.

Researchers at the Centre for Social Responsibility in Mining interviewed employees at several dozen major international corporations who are involved with extractive activities, and found that companies are increasingly having to deal with the social and environmental impacts of their work, and that it’s hurting them where it hurts most: their bottom lines.

The researchers, led by Daniel Franks, took a look at 50 planned major extractive projects (oil drilling, new mine construction, that sort of thing) and found that in fully half of them, local people launched some sort of “project blockade.” In 40 percent of the projects, someone died as a result of a physical protest, and 15 of the projects were suspended or abandoned altogether, according to Franks’ study, published in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

“There is a popular misconception that local communities are powerless in the face of large corporations and governments,” Franks said in a statement. “Our findings show that community mobilization can be very effective at raising the costs to companies.”

The number of projects in the study sample affected by local action. Image: PNAS

The number of projects in the study sample affected by local action. Image: PNAS

The reason these projects, such as the Minas Conga gold mine in northern Peruand Lanjigarh bauxite mining project in Orissa, India, were abandoned wasn’t borne out of some sense of social responsibility to not pollute the environment or to not push people off their land. It was because the protests and resulting government backlash was so great that it became financially unviable to move forward.

Delays, even early in a project, can be extremely costly—at a major mining project, $20 million per week in lost revenues and lost investment isn’t uncommon. According to the study’s respondents, a nine-month delay at a Latin American mine cost a company $750 million; protests that shut down power lines at another operation cost $750,000 a day. Even before drilling or extraction has started, lost wages and startup delays can cost $50,000 a day when programs are forced to a standstill after they’ve started.

Perhaps not surprisingly, protests were most successful when they took place early on, during feasibility and construction phases of a project.

This [is] in part because the project is smaller in scale and therefore easier to contest, but also because at later stages of the project cycle, capital has been sunk into an area, changes become costly to retrofit, revenues begin to be generated, and there are increased incentives for companies and governments to ‘defend’ their projects,” Franks wrote.

Social media and internet access are allowing indigenous and local groups to organize more quickly, to learn from others who have had successful protests, and to connect with nonprofits and humanitarian groups that can help push their stories out to the entire world.

“There’s been a big change in the mentality of indigenous people—things like Facebook are allowing them to not be as naive,” Kelly Swing, a Boston University researcher who works in an area of the Ecuadorian Amazon that is currently fighting back against proposed oil projects, told me. “They look at what has happened in, say, Peru, and see that their culture has gone to hell in a handbasket. All of a sudden, gifts the companies offer, like boats and education and modern medicine aren’t the panacea they used to seem.”

Companies, for their part, are learning how to anticipate these sorts of hangups, and some of those interviewed (all identities and specific responses were kept confidential) said that local backlash can be predicted and quantified before it happens.

“Several interviewees were strongly of the view that the triggers for and underlying causes of company-community conflict, and its costs, are predictable, and that approaches, procedures, and standards are available to companies to avoid conflict and develop constructive relationships with community actors,” Franks wrote.

At many companies, Franks wrote, the higher ups who approve major projects are completely oblivious that their work might have some sort of social or environmental impact. To combat this, companies hire “translators” who are able to identify potential social problems and put them in a language executives can understand: money.

“Translation requires individuals within organizations who can work across functional, organizational, and conceptual boundaries, and who can work in more than one ‘language’ and interpret how social and environmental risk is translating into costs for business. The need for internal ‘translators’ suggests that corporate decision-makers do not currently have the necessary models to internalize externalities and translate social risk inward,” Franks wrote.

Franks wrote that there’s some evidence that companies really do want to make sure local people are treated correctly—that, as he found, concerns such as drinking water contamination, environmental destruction, and public health risks, are not brushed aside. Then again, he noted that “some see stakeholder-related concerns as optional ‘add-ons’ to broader regulatory processes for operating projects.”

The challenge for those “stakeholders,” then, is making sure that, no matter what, they make a project so difficult to complete that those “add-ons” become so costly that the project dies. It seems like, in an increasing number of cases, that’s actually happening.