Switzerland: Update From Anarchist Prisoner Marco Camenisch

marco-camenisch-220th May 2014. Since the 15th or the 16th of May, Marco Camenisch has been held in solitar

marco-camenisch-220th May 2014. Since the 15th or the 16th of May, Marco Camenisch has been held in solitary confinement for five days in the prison of Lenzburg, Switzerland, because he refused to give a urine sample.

On the 23rd of May 2014 he will be transferred to the Bostadel penal institution. Whether his transfer was ordered because he once again refused to give a urine sample or it was planned beforehand, is (still) not clear to us.

Marco’s incarceration is expected to end on May 8th of the year 2018. His early release from prison (“conditional release”) has been rejected because of “chronic propensity towards violence” and “delinquency-promoting ideology”, among other things.

Marco Camenisch

Strafanstalt Bostadel
Postfach 38, CH-6313 Menzingen, Schweiz/Switzerland

Tel. +41 41 757 1919, Fax +41 41 757 1900

More info on Marco Mamenisch

In Russia, Home-Grown Environmental Activism on the Rise

604-4 8th May 2014 Nina Popravko, one of the few professional environmental lawyers in Russia, is defending in court a group of a dozen activists in the small town of Kozmodemiansk, in the Mari El Republic on the

604-4 8th May 2014 Nina Popravko, one of the few professional environmental lawyers in Russia, is defending in court a group of a dozen activists in the small town of Kozmodemiansk, in the Mari El Republic on the Volga River. They have been fighting for years against plans to build a domestic waste landfill, which they say is too close to a residential block.

Straight after court hearings in the case, Popravko jumps on a train to Ufa, a city with more than a million inhabitants in the south Urals, where several hundred people are trying to organise an independent public hearing about the construction of a wood-processing factory.

Back at home near St. Petersburg, where Popravko lives and works for the environmental non-governmental organization Bellona, another fight is under way.

A group of activists are mobilising after the felling of almost 200 large pine trees to make way for a new luxury residential housing development. The activists are filing a lawsuit against the development company, which they believe acquired the plot of land illegally, as part of their drive to stop further logging in a larger forest area.

“I really notice the growing involvement of many ordinary people in the environmental movement,” Popravko says.

City dwellers across Russia are getting organised and fighting for their environmental rights at a more professional level than before, the lawyer says. They are learning to file lawsuits, organise public hearings, and work with journalists and social networks, as well as building protest camps and obstructing construction sites.

Many such local initiatives get support from larger and longer-established environmental non-governmental organisations such as Greenpeace and WWF Russia, but many also are fighting on their own – sometimes successfully, sometimes not.

WHAT WORKS

There is no clear recipe for victory, says Alexander Karpov, an expert with the ECOM centre, who has spent more than 10 years supporting local environmental and urban initiatives all over Russia and helping them grow.

He recently began working as a consultant with the St. Petersburg Legislative Assembly, drafting laws and other legal acts, and bringing needed  insight and expertise to the work of the regional parliamentarians.

Karpov argues that the success of any environmental cause depends on the amount of time and energy activists are prepared to spend protecting their rights. He also maintains that expertise is crucial, and that the more ‘professionally’ activists interact with local administrators, draft legal documents and engage in high-quality lobbying for their cause, the better the chance of success.

Public interest in environmental issues has been rising in Russia over the last few years. Some experts link this with the growing financial wellbeing of the country’s population, which is giving more citizens the opportunity to travel abroad, and to plan their future and that of their children.

CORRUPTION AND GOVERNANCE LINK

Other experts say it is a reaction to mounting corruption and “bad” governance, often at a local level, involving local authorities building corrupt ties with a local or national company while neglecting local residents.

The push toward greater environmental activism has been met with a mixed response by Russia’s leaders.

Nikolay Gudkov, a spokesperson for the Russian Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment, said his ministry was “actively working with citizens, environmental initiatives and activists – both through our community liaison office and through further online resources” such as the website Nasha Priroda (“Our Nature”), which was launched in late 2013 and allows people from all regions of Russia to report environmental violations in their neighbourhoods, using geo-location technology.

He said ministry representatives also have organised a few meetings with environmental activists working on notorious local conflicts – such as the fight over the wood-processing facility in Ufa, and a situation in central Russia where residents are fighting plans for nickel and copper mining.

But the Russian parliament, the State Duma, has also recently initiated a number of legal acts potentially hindering the rights of local activists and opportunities for wider public participation in city planning and regional development.

In late December, members of parliament tried to pass a draft law cancelling public hearing procedures for a number of infrastructure construction projects. However, after a civil campaign initiated by activists and environmental lawyers, the draft “got hung up,” Popravko said.In mid-March, however, another bill significantly reducing the number of situations in which public hearings must be held passed in its first reading. Environmental lawyers argue the bill contradicts Russian and international rules of law.

“The Russian Parliament is moving forward draft laws which seriously limit public participation” a group of environmental lawyers said in their public appeal. A campaign against the bill is ongoing.

URBAN FOCUS

One of the most popular environmental issues in Russia at the moment is urban ecology – the environmental aspects of cities’ development. That includes clean transport, a focus on air and water quality, the protection of green zones and parks, and sustainable consumption and lifestyles.

Such interest is centred mainly in large cities with populations of over half a million people, but it has begin springing up in small towns as well.

Roughly speaking, most of these civil initiatives fall into two groups, experts say.

The first comprise protest actions – against new building of infrastructure or housing, or against the destruction of a park, for instance. Such groups form quickly, and their success often depends on the solidarity and energy of their participants, as well as on the resources they can invest, experts say.

Groups of this kind initiate legal cases or public hearings, work with media and social networks, and organise protests – and quite often the groups fall apart after the case is won or lost.

The most complicated efforts are long-running ones that last several years, and can result in activists becoming worn out, losing energy and losing interest in the case.

Activists face a variety of threats, including physical violence or legal prosecution. Recently, environmental activist Evgeny Vitishko, from Tuapse in southern Russia, was jailed for three years for writing protest slogans and attaching posters to a fence around the villa of the Krasnodar governor.

Vitishko alleged the villa had been built illegally in a forest reserve and its owner had fenced off a stretch of the coastline.

Vitishko support campaign has been launched, and “it is particularly important that we also get international support for the case – both for Evgeny Vitishko himself and for the growing environmental movement in Russia”, says Dmitry Shevchenko, a Krasnodar-based activist with the NGO “Environmental Watch of the North Caucasus.”

FILLING THE VACUUM

Another part of of Russia’s growing environmental movement consists of community and civil society activists trying to put bottom-up initiatives in place to “substitute” for failing state regulation, given the absence of an environmental agenda and policy mechanism at both federal and regional levels, experts say.

These groups build up environmental and volunteer networks in areas such as separating garbage collection, recycling, planting trees, taking care of parks and shores, and promoting  eco-friendly agriculture and a green lifestyle.

One of the best-known organisations is the movement Musora bolshe net (meaning “no more rubbish”) created first as a volunteer initiative to  remove trash from forests and lake shores and developed later into a full-scale network organisation, active in many projects from community recycling to environmental education.

Many such groups gather annually at a Delai Sam (Do it yourself) Summit, first only held in Moscow but now in other cities as well, to exchange practices, technologies and skills.

It is not only the young and trendy who take part in such initiatives. In some cities, groups are led by female pensioners using their free time to build up community do-it-yourself groups to improve the urban environment.

Still, quite often activists float from one environmental focus area to another. Tatyana Kargina, originally from Irkutstk and now living in Moscow, is one of Russia’s best-known environmental activists.

She set up a first eco-housing project in Moscow, one of the first Russian networks for environmental-friendly living and consumption, as well as other initiatives. During the last couple of years she’s also been active in a civil society protest action against plans to begin nickel mining in Voronezh region, Central Russia, an agricultural region rich with black soils, nature reserves and biodiversity.

SUSTAINABLE CITIES

Growing environmental activism in Russia also is focused on the need for more sustainable and inclusive city and region development. An Open Urban Lab uniting around 30 young professionals involved in urban planning, architecture, public participation and sustainable development, has been trying to introduce participation principles into city and neighbourhood planning in Russian cities recently.

The organisation, while working with regional administrations and business, sees “participation as a technology to transform social groups earlier not included in decision making into included ones, in order to create and sustain public good,” said Oleg Pachenkov from the Open Urban Lab.

The process of civil society development is hardly smooth or quick – but the trend is there, experts say.

“Quite often ordinary citizens don’t really want to become activists, don’t want to spend all their free time campaigning, protesting, talking to media, promoting the case in social networks 24 hours a day,” said Popravko, the lawyer. “But after realising that they can’t really appeal to anyone, not to city authorities, not to control bodies, they just have to become activists themselves and try to influence the situation, which they reckon affects their lives and living environments.”

Nantes, France: Call for a Demo and Decentralized Solidarity Actions Against Repression of the Anti-airport Movement

17-mai8th May 2014 On February 22nd, 2014, more than 50,000 people gathered in Nantes for the biggest anti-airport demonstration ever.

17-mai8th May 2014 On February 22nd, 2014, more than 50,000 people gathered in Nantes for the biggest anti-airport demonstration ever. As it was declared illegal by the prefecture, it quickly faced stunning repression; hundreds of over-armed cops surrounded the demo while a huge anti-riot wall blocked the central street of the city (le cours des 50 otages). It was the first time in Nantes’ social struggles history that a demo couldn’t pass by there. Politicians and media talked about “lootings” and “devastations”, deploring the violence after a group of demonstrators attempted to walk the original route.

However, the Power and its accomplices failed to mention the extreme ferocity in the crackdown on this demonstration. On February 22nd, hundreds of people were hurt by police weapons. At least three of them lost an eye from rubber-bullet shots. A lot of people breathed tear gas, were shaken up from stun grenades, or wounded from dispersion grenades, or repulsed by water cannons.

 

A few weeks later, on March 31st, media exultantly declared a first “dragnet” following a special police force’s investigation. Nine comrades had their houses searched and were arrested in the early morning. Two of them were immediately released, as one of them was not even in Nantes on the day of the demonstration. Four others couldn’t prepare their defense since they were sent to the court through the immediate arraignment procedure. Sentences are as heavy as the records are empty: indeed, the only real evidence the prosecution had were the confessions of the accused. Three of them have been condemned to prison terms without remission. During this parody of a trial, judge Tchalian did not hesitate to double the prosecutor’s requisitions and put our comrade Enguerrand directly in prison. One year in prison without remission for some stones and smoke cans.

The purpose of the repression from police and the justice system that the anti-airport movement is now facing is only to terrorize those who revolt and start fighting against capitalism’s hold on our living spaces. It is to psychologically and physically touch a social movement, to mutilate and incarcerate some of us to reach all the others. The sentences and mutilations of the 22nd of February are not only an application of laws or peacekeeping techniques—they are deeply political. This real state terrorism expresses clearly what must be expected for those who resist.

Today, Enguerrand, Quentin, Damien, Emmanuel, Philippe, J. and G. are its victims. It could have been any one of us. According to the State and its so-called justice, taking part in a demonstration is sufficient to justify the loss of an eye or a prison term.

We shouldn’t step back as we are facing such violent repression. By doing so, we would only prove their case. The best support we can give to our wounded and incarcerated comrades is to keep on fighting. Our struggle has never been so powerful, and we have never been so close to realizing a future without concrete. More than ever, we must keep on fighting and not give anything up in the struggle against the airport and the world that produces it.

Against the assassin Power that mutilated and incarcerated, we have a weapon that it cannot take back. In a letter, on April 8th, Enguerrand stated: “The strength of activist solidarity cannot be defeated,” and indeed, we agree. Actions in support of those wounded and accused in the struggle have already been diverse and numerous, modeled on the diversity within the movement. Infinite are the potential actions. Organize a concert or a fundraiser to financially support the accused and their families. Call for a demonstration (“peacefully helmeted”? —a reference to the “Flashballes” song) to express revolt against police crimes. Cover the walls with painted slogans or posters to make sure that no one ignores what is happening…

Every initiative is welcome to bring reassurance to our comrades and remind the Power of our rage and determination. Against the conniving silence of the media spectacle, we can only rely on ourselves to make “justice” a meaningful word again. We strongly encourage every solidarity action against repression of the anti-airport movement, no matter whether it happens in Nantes or anywhere else, today or anytime.

No justice, no peace!
Solidarity with the wounded and the accused!
No to the airport and its world!

DEMONSTRATION Saturday, May 17th, 2014 at 3pm – Nantes prefecture

To write to the support committee for Enguerrand or to sign this call: soutien.enguerrand(at)riseup.net

‘If you don’t fight, you’ve already lost’: Animal rights activist facing six years in jail remains defiant

20140417_092540 April 17, 2014 from corporate watch Today Debbie Vincent, an animal

20140417_092540 April 17, 2014 from corporate watch Today Debbie Vincent, an animal rights activist from the Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty (SHAC) campaign was sentenced to six years in prison for conspiracy to blackmail after a five week long trial at Winchester Crown Court. She was also given an Anti Social Behaviour Order which means she can be arrested if she protests against or contacts Huntingdon Life Sciences (HLS) or its business partners for a further five years after her release from prison. The sentence should serve as a wake up call to anti-capitalists of the need to offer solidarity to those who have been singled out for repression because of their involvement in effective resistance to corporate power. A press release from the Blackmail 3 support campaign quotes Debbie: “I have been made an example of because I put myself up as a public face of Stop Huntingdon Animal Cruelty and for believing that such places as Huntingdon Life Sciences should be resigned to the history books.” “In some ways I’m really not surprised I was found guilty, as I don’t believe anyone can get justice when faced with a political conspiracy charge and the huge resources of the state and multinationals against me. I will always have hope and will always continue to try my best to make the inhabitants of this planet more compassionate to all and try to make the world a better place for all.” What we are seeing is a coordinated campaign against animal rights activists in an effort to silence dissent,” said Adrian Shaw of the Blackmail 3 Support Campaign. “This is the third conspiracy to blackmail trial in the UK involving people accused of campaigning against Huntingdon Life Sciences.” Corporate Watch spoke to Debbie prior to the sentencing. She said: “What is scary in this world is oppression and injustice, when people hurt people, animals and nature. What is beautiful in this world is resistance, when people say 'enough is enough' and act. Oppression and injustice are everywhere, but so is resistance. Because some people know that if you fight you might lose, but if you don't fight, you've already lost.” The campaign SHAC was set up in 1999 with the aim of closing down Huntingdon Life Sciences (HLS). HLS is one of the largest contract testing companies in the world. They keep about 70,000 animals on site at their lab in Huntingdon. According to SHAC, “HLS will test anything for anybody. They carry out experiments which involve poisoning animals with household products, pesticides, drugs, herbicides, food colourings and additives, sweeteners and genetically modified organisms. Every three minutes an animal dies inside Huntingdon totalling 500 innocent lives every single day.” SHAC's tactics have been groundbreaking for direct action campaigns in their targeting of the network of companies with business relationships with HLS: from its customers to its service providers and from its suppliers to its investors. To read an analysis of the SHAC model of campaignining click here. Over the years SHAC has published details of the companies doing business with HLS on its website and has encouraged people to persuade these companies to cease their business with HLS. The SHAC website is clear that it is not encouraging people to break the law. SHAC contacts the companies and tells them that they will remain listed on its website until they cease doing business with HLS. Hundreds of companies have ceased trading with HLS. View a list here. HLS have been infiltrated and their practices exposed several times. To read undercover exposes of animal abuse at HLS click here. The arrests of the 'Blackmail 3' In June 2012 European arrest warrants were issued in the UK for two activists in Holland, who will be referred to as SH and NS in this article. On 6th July 2012 Debbie Vincent, who had been targeted by the police for many years for her involvement in the SHAC campaign, was arrested and detained on suspicion of conspiracy to blackmail. Her home address was searched. On the same day SH and NS were arrested and premises in Amsterdam were searched. Debbie was charged in July 2012 with conspiracy to blackmail, an offence under the 1977 Criminal Law Act. The British police have sought the extradition of the Dutch activists and the Dutch courts granted it. However, until now there is an ongoing dispute over the extradition as the lawyers for one of the Dutch defendants have demanded an undertaking from the British Secretary of State that he would serve his sentence in Holland if he was convicted. The charge placed by the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) against Debbie was conspiring with 16 named people, including the two Dutch activists, and unnamed others “to blackmail representatives of companies and businesses and other persons” “by making unwarranted demands, namely to cease lawful trading with HLS, with menaces and with intent to cause loss to another.” The 13 other 'co-conspirators' have already been jailed for conspiracy to blackmail, at trials in 2009 and 2010 for a total of almost 70 years between them. For many of them the only evidence presented was involvement in lawful campaigning against the company and association with those involved in direct action. The use of the charge of blackmail against Debbie is another example of the twisting of the law to repress grassroots dissent against powerful corporations. Blackmail? The events relied on in Debbie's case were that in 2008 and 2009 actions were carried out in France, Belgium, Germany and Switzerland against Novartis, EuroNext, Schering Plough, BDO, AstraZeneca, Fortress and Nomura, all companies with business relationships with HLS. The actions included setting fire to directors' cars, company buildings and, in one case, the holiday hunting lodge of Daniel Vasella, Director of Novartis. Graffiti was daubed on directors' homes overnight and the ashes of Vasella's mother were stolen from the family tomb. However, in the words of Michael Bowes QC, the prosecutor in the case: “There is no evidence that Ms Vincent was present at the scene of any of the attacks, or incidents in Europe. There is no evidence that she was outside of the United Kingdom at the time of any of these attacks”. Instead the Crown Prosecution 'Service' (CPS) claimed that Debbie was guilty of involvement in a 'conspiracy to blackmail' involving those actions. The CPS claimed that there was evidence linking SH and NS to some of these actions. However they were not the ones in the dock. The prosecution argued that Debbie had been in phone contact with SH and NS and had attended the 2009 Animal Rights gathering in Oslo that they also attended. But the case went much further than that. The CPS argued that the SHAC campaign itself, in publishing details of companies on their website and encouraging people to protest against them, was guilty of blackmail. The effects of this legal 'logic' have broad implications for anti-corporate activists. For example, during the movement against apartheid in South Africa activists published details of companies like Barclays Bank and encouraged people to protest against them until they pulled out of South Africa. Was this an act of blackmail? Do campaign groups who publish the names and addresses of companies involved in fracking and encourage people to protest against them run the risk of convictions for blackmail? Is activist security a crime? The CPS's case summary says that “Debbie Vincent has taken steps to conceal her criminality by the use of encrypted computers (she has failed to provide the encryption codes despite being known to have been using a totally encrypted computer shortly before it was seized). Encrypted storage media was found hidden behind the kickboard of kitchen units at her address”. In highlighting this, the prosecutors were implying to the jury that Debbie had something to hide. The implication that the taking of lawful steps to protect privacy in the context of a concerted police campaign to monitor, criminalise, arrest and imprison activists seems laughable. However, it is a well rehearsed argument in animal rights cases. The set-up The prosecution had evidence that Debbie had contacted the directors of Novartis after the direct action against the company had taken place. However, they had no evidence linking Debbie to the direct action itself apart from the circumstantial links to NS and SH. In order to try and strengthen their case, the police worked with Novartis to try to entrap Debbie and another SHAC activist (who was also arrested but had his charges dropped, he will be referred to in this article as 'X') into admitting links to the robbing of the Vasella grave. SHAC had emailed Novartis, requesting that they cease dealing with HLS. Andrew Jackson, Global Head of Corporate Security at Novartis, replied and requested a meeting with the campaign. Jackson said that this meeting would be to discuss the issues raised in the email from the campaign. Debbie and the other activist arranged to meet representatives of Novartis at the Le Meridien Hotel in Piccadilly on 10th March 2010. Unknown to them, the company had arranged with the police to bug the meeting, and one of the people they were due to meet was an undercover officer, using the alias 'James Adams', who was masquerading as a Special Contracts Manager for Novartis. The activists were swept for bugs at the beginning of the meeting and each time they went to the toilet. They were told that the meetings were strictly confidential. After the meeting Adams got in touch with SHAC again and said that “certain things are outside the parameters of the dialogue” and asked Debbie and 'X' to set up another meeting, encouraging them to communicate with him via PGP email encryption. 'Adams' was eager to communicate directly with Debbie and 'X' rather than through the campaign. The clear intention was to coax the activists into offering to secure the return of the Vasella remains. Throughout the discussions in the meetings with Novartis, Debbie was clear that SHAC had no idea who took the remains and had no control over them. 'Adams', the undercover officer, took the lead during the conversations with Debbie. According to Debbie, he asked “leading questions about whether we were the right people” to talk to. Debbie's notes of the conversation record her as saying: “We're taking a risk the way the legal system is in this country to meet with you… [X] and I are painfully aware that going to these meeting with Novartis puts us in the spotlight, puts us at risk…" A representative of Novartis then says: "This is a confidential process…" In a later email to the company, Debbie said that she had spoken to some of the activists conducting demonstrations against Novartis and confirmed that they had agreed to stop protesting should Novartis end its contract with HLS. Soon after the second meeting with Novartis Debbie met 'James Adams' on the underground, as if by chance. In fact he had followed her onto the train. He tried to broach the issue of the Vasella remains again but Debbie refused to discuss the issue. Targeting of activists by political police units The arrest and prosecution of Debbie, and cases against animal rights activists more generally, are overseen by specialised political police units designed to protect corporations from public anger. In 1999 the National Public Order Intelligence Unit (NPOIU) was set up following the publication of a Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabularies report, which claimed that some protest groups “have adopted a strategic, long-term approach to their protests, employing new and innovative tactics to frustrate authorities and achieve their objectives”. The NPOIU has been responsible for planting undercover officers in protest movements. Debbie regards the use of undercover officers against her as a “sting operation”. She said she believed that Adams was “clearly part of National Domestic Extremism and Disorder Intelligence Unit”, formerly the National Domestic Extremism Unit, “who are just a re-branding of the Special Demonstration Squad and National Public Order Intelligence Unit” and that “there is now a 25 year history of unaccountable practice by a secretive and unaccountable police unit”. Specialised political police units aim to criminalise and imprison activists and neutralise political movements that pose a challenge to corporate power or other aspects of the current system. 'Decapitating' the 'leaders' The strategy of the police units involved in overseeing Debbie's case is explored in the January 2013 edition of the European Journal of Criminology. It includes an article by John Donovan and Richard Timothy Coupe. Donovan is employed by the Metropolitan Police 'Service'. The article encapsulates the police and CPS's approach to the SHAC campaign as one of “leadership decapitation”: “Police agencies combating terrorist or organised crime groups principally employ intelligence-led activities (Innes et al., 2005) and covert investigative techniques for identifying group participants and linking them to criminal activities. These involve human surveillance, informants and under-cover officers, as well as covert, electronic techniques, including wire-tapping, to monitor incriminating communications and understand member roles and ties in criminal networks, such as the Neapolitan Camorra (Campana, 2011; Campana and Varese, 2012). As well as the arrest of members of terrorist groups who commit or plan crimes, leaders and upper echelons have been specifically targeted in order to ‘decapitate’ and weaken or terminate groups (Cronin, 2009; David, 2002; Jordan, 2009; Price, 2012), an approach still emphasised in counter-insurgency doctrine (Hauenstein, 2011). This was the approach adopted by UK police in seeking to disrupt and terminate SHAC’s campaign of intimidation.” The CPS's case summary claimed that Debbie was the representative of SHAC in the UK. Alistair Nisbet, the Senior Crown Prosecutor in the case, said: “Following the conviction of SHAC’s main leaders in 2008, Debbie Vincent’s role within the organisation grew. She became the public face of SHAC”. Of course, the police's notions of leaders within the SHAC campaign betray a fundamental lack of understanding of horizontal organising by protest movements. Nevertheless, this tactic of painting individuals as leaders and targeting them is the strategy behind the police efforts to railroad Debbie and other activists to prison; an organised attempt by the police to neutralise a political protest movement through the twisting of the law to imprison those who the authorities label as 'leaders'. Media greenscare So why aren't more people rallying to support Debbie and other SHAC campaigners? One reason is the police's attempts to discredit the movement in the media and thus to limit public solidarity for those under their cosh. In the past, mainstream media scare-stories about animal rights and environmental campaigners have been found to have been fabricated by political police units – see here. During Debbie's case the media coverage was deeply offensive, defamatory and discriminatory, focusing on the fact that Debbie had undergone gender reassignment. The Mirror's headline was “The boy who grew up to become a woman of terror” while the Daily Mail ran with “Sex-change soldier who became an animal rights terror commander” and made the unsubstantiated claim that Debbie had “been attacking animal testing labs for over ten years”. Debbie has already made a successful claim to the Press Complaints Commission and forced the Mail to amend an article which erroneously linked her to the Animal Liberation Front and linked SHAC to a previous blackmail case against the Save the Newchurch Guinea Pigs campaign. This defamation in the press is undoubtedly stirred up by police press releases, aimed at generating a negative image of animal rights campaigners in the media in order to limit public support for the movement. It is of utmost importance that anti-corporate campaigners are not taken in by this spin, which is designed to protect corporate profits, and to stand in solidarity with those experiencing repression. Protecting corporations from dissent Pharmaceutical companies that are facing public anger over their activities have seized on Debbie's conviction to further restrict protest outside their premises. After the verdict in the trial, Novartis applied for a strengthened injunction under the Protection from Harassment Act (PHA) of 1997 against animal rights protesters. It was granted on 14 April 2014. The harsh terms of the injunction were requested, by notorious corporate lawyer Timothy Lawson Cruttenden, on the grounds that there could be a “backlash that occurs after the sentence”. The PHA Act was drafted and made its way through parliament as a provision designed to protect vulnerable people from harassment. Before the law was passed, the media had been evoking emotional accounts of the effect of stalking and the need to protect vulnerable individuals. The Act was never portrayed as a law designed to protect corporations and restrict protest. Yet, that's exactly what its being used for. The new conditions put in place by Novartis are an interim measure and will be examined at another court hearing. The interim injunction has been made against 'persons unknown' but potentially affects anyone demonstrating against Novartis. It restricts demonstrations to six people or fewer, in designated protest zones, with no amplified sounds, and forbids face-coverings or blood-splattered costumes. Anyone deemed to have breached the conditions can be arrested and may face up to five years in prison. However, last year a test case at the Old Bailey of two SHAC activists put into question the practicality of prosecuting activists arrested under PHA injunctions. See this Corporate Watch article for details of the case. Solidarity needed Debbie's conviction is part of an ongoing campaign of repression against the UK animal rights movement. A further seven SHAC activists have been charged with 'conspiracy to interfere with the contractual relations so as to harm an animal research organisation' under Section 145 of the Serious Organised Crime and Police Act (2005). The charges relate to demonstrations against companies with business relationships with HLS. They are due to appear in court later this year. For more information on the ongoing repression of UK animal rights activists see the website: www.stopukrepression.org When we asked Debbie if she would need any particular support from people if she got a custodial sentence, she replied: “Practically, I'm not sure what my needs will be in prison, it will depend to a degree to where I go. I'm pretty sure I'll be able to cope, but being isolated from nature and friends will be the worst part. I will try to make the best of the bad situation, it's all a bit daunting and new. The whole charge and court case are still amazingly surreal.” “Keep on campaigning against all oppression and capitalist domination. Don't be afraid to speak out and never apologise for trying to make a difference and caring.” To see a list of imprisoned animal rights activists worldwide click here. Update: We have just heard that Debbie has been taken to Bronzefield Prison. Her prisoner number should be available soon.

Nearly a thousand environmental activists murdered since 2002

April 15, 2014  At least 908 people were murdered for taking a stand to defend the environment betwe

April 15, 2014  At least 908 people were murdered for taking a stand to defend the environment between 2002 and 2013, according to a new report today from Global Witness, which shows a dramatic uptick in the murder rate during the past four years. Notably, the report appears on the same day that another NGO, Survival International, released a video of a gunman terrorizing a Guarani indigenous community in Brazil, which has recently resettled on land taken from them by ranchers decades ago. According to the report, nearly half of the murders over the last decade occurred in Brazil—448 in all—and over two-thirds—661—involved land conflict.

"There can be few starker or more obvious symptoms of the global environmental crisis than a dramatic upturn in killings of ordinary people defending rights to their land or environment," said Oliver Courtney of Global Witness. "Yet this rapidly worsening problem is going largely unnoticed, and those responsible almost always get away with it. We hope our findings will act as the wake-up call that national governments and the international community clearly need."

But as grisly as the report is, it's likely a major underestimation of the issue. The report covers just 35 countries where violence against environmental activists remains an issue, but leaves out a number of major countries where environmental-related murders are likely occurring but with scant reporting.

"Because of the live, under-recognized nature of this problem, an exhaustive global analysis of the situation is not possible," reads the report. "For example, African countries such as Nigeria, Democratic Republic of Congo, Central African Republic and Zimbabwe that are enduring resource-fueled unrest are highly likely to be affected, but information is almost impossible to gain without detailed field investigations."

In fact, reports of hundreds of additional killings in countries like Ethiopia, Myanmar, Venezuela, and Zimbabwe were left out due to lack of rigorous information.

Even without these countries included, the number of environmental activists killed nearly approaches the number of journalists murdered during the same period—913—an issue that gets much more press. Environmental activists most at risk are people fighting specific industries.

"Many of those facing threats are ordinary people opposing land grabs, mining operations and the industrial timber trade, often forced from their homes and severely threatened by environmental devastation," reads the report. "Indigenous communities are particularly hard hit. In many cases, their land rights are not recognized by law or in practice, leaving them open to exploitation by powerful economic interests who brand them as 'anti-development'."

As if to highlight these points, Survival International released a video today that the groups says shows a gunman firing at the Pyelito Kuê community of Guarani indigenous people. The incident injured one woman, according to the group. The Guarani have been campaigning for decades to have land returned to them that has been taken by ranchers.

"This video gives a brief glimpse of what the Guarani endure month after month—harassment, intimidation, and sometimes murder, just for trying to live in peace on tiny fractions of the ancestral land that was once stolen from them," the director of Survival International, Stephen Corry, said. "Is it too much to expect the Brazilian authorities, given the billions they're spending on the World Cup, to sort this problem out once and for all, rather than let the Indians' misery continue?"

According to the report, two major drivers of repeated violence against environmental activists are a lack of attention to the issue and widespread impunity for perpetrators. In fact, Global Witness found that only ten people have been convicted for the 908 murders documented in the report, meaning a conviction rate of just 1.1 percent to date.

"Environmental human rights defenders work to ensure that we live in an environment that enables us to enjoy our basic rights, including rights to life and health," John Knox, UN Independent Expert on Human Rights and the Environment said. "The international community must do more to protect them from the violence and harassment they face as a result."

Eviction of treehouse village on Hambacher Forst protest site

Ker­pen, 28.​03.​2014. Shortly after 20:00 on last wednesday the 28th of march the last of seven activists was evicted from a tree.

Ker­pen, 28.​03.​2014. Shortly after 20:00 on last wednesday the 28th of march the last of seven activists was evicted from a tree. The treehouses were completely destroyed and lots of tree were cut down during the 16-hour large scale operation. While the police is still praising themselfes, the activists already plan the reoccupation of the forest.

According to a press release of the police the claim of the eviction was made by the town of Kerpen. The spokesperson of the town declared building regulations and the "dangerous" conditions of the houses as reason for the police operation. "The interests of energy companies are constantly presented in the name of different committees or as public interest. At federal level this mean subventions for the most climate-damaging form of energy; at regional level it means the local authorities and the police make up reasons to clear the way for RWE. We do not experience this for the first time." says An­ni­ka Schle­reth after the eviction.

Already while the evection was still running people from Bonn and Vienna declared their soliadrity through different actions. Also today manifestations for solidarity will take place in Münster, Essen and Frankfurt/Main. "Repression can make people withdraw or weaken a movement. But if we stand united then it will strenghen us and our resistance. Following the eviction in november 2012 a lot of people declared their solidarity and took action over month for the forest and against RWE. The criminalization of our legitimate protest will not stop our fight." continues Annika Schlereth.

For this reason we call for a reoccuption of the Hambach Forest on 26.​04.​2014 By then various groups and individuals will be prepared to permanently reoccupy the forest and to send a strong signal to RWE. "We will not stand by and watch how forests, farmland and villages will be destroyed for the sake of mining. We will not sit back and do nothing while the climate is killed by the burning of coal. We will organize, resist and be solidly united with all the people worldwide that fight against destruction of their space!"

Eviction of Hambach Forest right now

The hambach forest is under eviction right now. Hundrets of police are trying to get the people down from the trees, but it can need some time. Media is talking about lock-ons in the trees. Right now there are several lifting ramps working at several treehouses at the same time. The Police is blocking roads and the motorway in a big range.

The hambach forest is under eviction right now. Hundrets of police are trying to get the people down from the trees, but it can need some time. Media is talking about lock-ons in the trees. Right now there are several lifting ramps working at several treehouses at the same time. The Police is blocking roads and the motorway in a big range.

The hambach forest is occupied against the coal-pit from RWE close to Cologne (it's the biggest coal-area in Europe and its biggest climate killer!) The whole forest will get cut for the coal-mine if we don't defend it. The forest was 5.500 ha once, and now there is less than 1000 left.

The activists call for a big re-occupiation at the 26. of april. More information as they came.

 

More information: http://hambachforest.blogsport.de/

Police Attack 20,000 French Citizens Protesting Against Airport Notre-Dame-Des-Landes

4371803_3_a8d2_selon-la-prefecture-la-manifestation-a_fb63a9c22897e38e5bfc3f4b4776d41b

4371803_3_a8d2_selon-la-prefecture-la-manifestation-a_fb63a9c22897e38e5bfc3f4b4776d41b

The event attended by ten’s of thousands of French citizens against the airport Notre-Dame-des-Landes escalated Saturday afternoon in the city center of Nantes when Police Blockaded the progression of the march and attacked with charges to the people protesting. Many citizens were wounded by tear gas and rubber bullets. Participants responded with fired projectiles – bottles, cans, steel balls, flares – towards the police who charged repeatedly.

About 20,000 people demonstrated in the city center of Nantes to protest against the construction of the new airport of Our Lady of Landes.Des violent clashes took place at the end of the event between violent groups and CRS | Franck Dubray

About 20,000 people demonstrated in the city center of Nantes to protest against the construction of the new airport of Our Lady of Landes.Des violent clashes took place at the end of the event between violent groups and CRS | Franck Dubray

4371804_3_ea2b_dans-le-defile-a-nantes-samedi-22-fevrier_273e5de25cb5fac4de98ec550578eec2

“This is tens of thousands,” assured Julien Durand, spokesman for the ACIPA, the main opposition group to the airport project, while refusing to give a precise figure.

According to him, the participation is equivalent to the previous rallies, such as in November 2012 which according to the organizers had expected 40,000 people (13,000 according to police).

In the late afternoon, the city center of Nantes showed scenes of devastation. People took out frustration from being ignored for years and beaten down when they speak out by ransacking a police station, an agency of Vinci (dealer airport project) group, but also broke several storefronts, any agency of Nantes transport or agency Nouvelles Frontières. At least two construction equipment vehicles and a barricade were also burned.

Objects were thrown at the SNCF catenary to block the movement of trains one source said. As for police, they made use of a large amount of tear gas, stun grenades and water cannons.

Protesters moved away blinded by tear gas while several hundred others continued to face the police, referring new projectiles bottles, or even own grenades forces.

“No matter what tell the prefecture, for all of you it is a great success,” provided at the end of the event Julien Durand.

via @Le Télégramme

via @Le Télégramme

le-centre-ville-de-nantes-devaste_1
“An unnecessary and expensive project”
The demonstration had started in a friendly atmosphere. “No thank you Ayraultport”, “No to Ayrault pork”, “Ayrault also emerges Vinci”, “Ni or airport metropolis, the city is ours” we heard in the procession.

le-centre-ville-de-nantes-devaste_2“The mobilization is great here. We are here to show our determination to abandon this useless and expensive at this time of shortage project,” said AFP Eva Joly MEP EELV.

Given the anti-capitalist component of the event and clashes that have marked previous events, the prefecture on Friday adopted a modification of the route so that it avoids the downtown core.

The event is organized two months after the publication of prefectural ordinances authorizing the start of pre-construction of the airport. Appeals were filed against these orders but do not have suspensive effect. However, work has still not started.

via @youranonnews

via @youranonnews

The inauguration of the future Grand Ouest Airport, originally scheduled for 2017, is now considered only “2019 or 2020″ by supporters of the transfer. According to an Ifop poll published Saturday, a majority of French (56%) are opposed to the future airport, 24% being positive and 20% were undecided.

This survey was conducted on behalf of Acting for the environment, Attac and ACIPA, the leading association of opponents to the project. The project of public utility in 2008, is justified by its supporters, PS as the UMP, including the risk of saturation of the current airport Nantes Atlantique.

One of several damaged buildings. via Franck Dubray

One of several damaged buildings. via Franck Dubray

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STEPHANE MAHE / REUTERS

STEPHANE MAHE / REUTERS

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STEPHANE MAHE / REUTERS

STEPHANE MAHE / REUTERS

STEPHANE MAHE / REUTERS

STEPHANE MAHE / REUTERS

 

STEPHANE MAHE / REUTERS

STEPHANE MAHE / REUTERS

34497153449847Sources
http://t.co/RS8wSS9yRB” target=”_blank”>FranceTVinfo
Lemonde
7sur7

Cycling guerrillas in Olomouc

Written for Edinburgh Critical Mass.

Written for Edinburgh Critical Mass.

My hometown Olomouc is a students´ city in Moravia, in the east of the Czech Republic. The city has about hundred thousand residents and is located in the floodplain of the Morava River. The flat ground makes the city ideal terrain for cycling, but a major obstacle for cyclists is insufficient supporting cycle infrastructure. Often a segregated cycle path will suddenly terminate at a bus stop or a pavement. With discontinuous cycle lanes and absent interconnections riding through the city center is a frustrating experience. Some town „squares“ are actually road junctions or parking spaces in practice so they need renaming. Uhelná Street is renamed to Uhelné car park in the picture below.

A local senior cycling advocacy group called Olomoučtí kolaři demanded improvements to the cycling infrastructure from the city council. Their voices had not been heard for many years. In early 2011 an open group of young cyclists inspired by Critical Mass decided to make demands for the infrastructure louder and they initiated grassroots bike rides. I dare to say that it was the first case of regular bike rides organized non-hierarchically in the Czech Republic. Bike rides in other Czech cities (Prague, Brno, Ostrava, Pilsen) and generally in the Eastern Europe are commonly called "Critical Mass“, but they are organized in a different way than in most English-speaking countries. Czech bike rides are for the most part organized by environmental or cycling NGOs; routes of bike rides are well planned in collaboration with police and often politicians and even corporations participate on events. Hence these actions can attract much more people. For example „Prague Critical Mass“ organized by group called Auto*mat attracts about 5 000 cyclists two-time per year (April and September) and dozens of participants in others months. In Olomouc we decided to develop more anarchist and spontaneous style rides without formal organizers.

   

The first Critical Mass bike ride hit the streets of the city on the last Thursday of March 2011. Have a look at this video showing more than twenty cyclists celebrating non-motorized traffic.

This one was the first of many. Since then Olomouc Critical Mass bike rides took place on the last Thursday of each month. The meeting point was in front of the dormitory on the playground in Šmeralova Street, and cyclists used to assemble at 6:00 pm and start at 6:15 pm. Usually 15 – 50 cyclists participated in a bike ride, but sometimes especially during summer holidays there were only about three cyclists at the meeting point. In this case they often abandoned the ride and decided on an alternative plan. Similarly from December to February Critical Masses did not happened because of unfriendly weather during winter months.

In May 2012 a local group of Amnesty International joined in with the Critical Mass bike ride in a symbolic protest against oil extraction in Nigeria by Shell. One of three Shell petrol stations in the city was closed for a short time (photo below).

In April 2013 about 50 cyclists who were in a good mood were stopped by police officers at one of high streets in the city (photo below). They asked for organizers, but after a while confused officers left the scene and Critical Mass went ahead.

After one year of Critical Masses, a different style of cycling action appeared. Unknown pushers modified five billboards advertising cars into pro-cycling and anti-car messages. Adbusters spread a witty on-line manifesto stating that the action was done in protest over occupation of streets and squares by four-wheeled vehicles. Thanks to social media the manifesto was read by many thousands. One of the billboards (photo below) stated: Death is cool – 2 549 dead on roads during two years.

Over the course of time it became obvious that Olomouc Critical Mass bike rides were attracting just a dozen or so cyclists and it was mostly an enjoyable event for a bunch of friends. It can be seen as a success for just that, but it most likely didn´t make enough pressure on the city council. Also the few altered billboards might not change a lot on the streets. This may explain why more powerful and empowering actions have developed. Why should we wait for building new facilities by authorities if we can do it by yourself? This question could have been asked by those who made concrete ramps up to high kerbs for cyclist at different places across the city in summer 2012. Besides spreading a proclamation of full of criticism about city council inactivity, anonymous activists had started to do something more tangible for cycling.

In the summer of 2013 other cycling facilities appeared in the city. The first was decorated home made cycle racks at a guerrilla garden in the city center in June. This installation inspired other activists who bought and posed cycle racks on public space in front of a newly opened shopping center in September. See the photos of cycle racks at the guerrilla garden and in front of the shopping center.

A lovely instance of direct action was carried out by cycling guerrillas who painted 30 meters of missing cycle lane in a park. They interconnected a current cycle path and a street road. The anonymous painters used an original paint specific for horizontal road signs and as far as I know the cycle lane has still not been overlaid by community services, hence it is still in operation for more than half a year. Before the cycle lane was painted police officers had penalized cyclists at that stretch, but now that does not happen anymore. Now cyclists pass through without fear of getting fines in July 2013 (photo below). Again the creators spread an on-line communique which criticized authorities about cycling infrastructure development in the city.

Unfortunately Olomouc Critical Masses stopped in summer 2013 and since this time bike rides have not been happening because the person that was the most active burned out. But that is the risk of informal hierarchy. In any case whether there are rides or not there is still a community of people around Olomouc Critical Mass who still meet with each other for open community vegan diners, dumpster diving, guerrilla gardening, food not bombs events, and other activities. Seeds are sowed and there are many who can hold the baton. Hopefully Olomouc Critical Mass will be resurrected in a spring.

 Yours fellow masser from Czech

Earth First! Direct Action Manual Is Ready for Print

Cover for Direct Action Manual

Cover for Direct Action Manual

Earth First! Direct Action Manual. To support this publication, preorder your copy or donate today.

After several years in development, the Earth First! Direct Action Manual is ready to go to press. A group of frontline activists has assembled over 300 pages of diagrams, descriptions of techniques and a comprehensive overview of the role direct action plays in our campaigns in defense of the Earth.

We are now in a three-week fundraising campaign to ensure that this critical book gets out to people who can use it. You can preorder your copy and get some extra thank you gifts for your early endorsement by donating today. More importantly, though, we have offered a chance for you to help us spread this knowledge. Every donation over $50 gives you the chance to send a free copy of the manual to a campaign of your choice. The more you give, the more manuals we can put in the mail.

The manual will be printed in the coming month with longtime Earth First! partner, The Gloo Factory. This community-minded, union print shop has supplied Earth First! and its affiliates with stickers and merchandise for decades and remains committed to using a high standard for recycled and reclaimed material, as well as supportive worker conditions.

The manual was first printed nearly two decades ago and has been out of print since its initial dissemination. Though many of the considerations for civil disobedience and intervention have remained tried and true, new elements have altered the ways we put these tactics into action. The Earth First! Direct Action Manual will continue the role of safe and effective actions in stopping the destruction of the planet.

Support this effort today!