Campaigners build dual carriageway on Osborne’s doorstep

Osborne's roads

Sunday 23 June

Osborne's roads

Sunday 23 June

Contact 07565 967 250. Photos available from 07711 090 544 (photojournalist Adrian Arbib) or from alamy: http://tinyurl.com/k25d5tm

CAMPAIGNERS BUILD DUAL CARRIAGEWAY ON OSBORNE’S DOORSTEP IN SPENDING REVIEW PROTEST
Money for new roads bad for jobs, countryside and climate say campaigners

12 noon, Sunday 23 June: Anti-road campaigners have built a 50m long dual carriageway next to Chancellor George Osborne’s country retreat this morning, in a protest against the expected funding for new roads in this Wednesday’s (26 June) 2013 Spending Review [2].

Twenty people rolled-out the 8m x 50m road in the grounds of Crag Hall in the Peak District National Park this morning and used giant eight-foot letters to spell out the words “NO NEW ROADS”. Photos are available from photojournalist Adrian Arbib [3].

Osborne moved into “a two-storey building near Crag Hall, a sprawling £4million country estate which is owned by his long-term family friend Lord Derby” earlier this year; “lunches most Sundays” at the nearby Crag Inn pub; and has been a guest at falconry events at the Hall [4]. Reportedly, he “often talks about how brilliant it is to come to the country and enjoy some peace and quiet” [4].

Osborne's roads

The campaigners – who include an artist, a teacher, a physicist and at least four grandmothers – travelled from Hastings, where peaceful protests against the £100m Bexhill-Hastings Link Road (BHLR) have already led to 30 arrests and attracted national media attention [5]. The BHLR is the ‘first and the worst’ of over 200 new road-building projects that the Chancellor, Big Business and local councils are currently pushing throughout England and Wales [6]. Mr Osborne is believed to have pressured the Department for Transport (DfT) into funding the BHLR as a test case for Britain’s largest road-building programme in 25 years.

Karl Horton, a spokesperson for the Combe Haven Defenders, one of the groups involved in today’s action, said: “George Osborne is building a pointless and destructive road to nowhere on our doorstep – and is planning to build scores more on other people’s – so today we’ve come and built one on his. His obsession with building new roads is bad for jobs, bad for our countryside and bad for our warming climate. It can – and will – be met with sustained peaceful resistance.”

A “National Rally Against Road Building”, backed by Greenpeace, Friends of the Earth and the RSPB, will be taking place in Crowhurst, on the route of the BHLR, on Saturday 13 July [7].

Contact 07565 967 250. Photos available from 07711 090 544 (Adrian Arbib).

NOTES
[1] http://www.combehavendefenders.org.uk
[2] For background see the Campaign for Better Transport’s briefing ‘What the spending review could mean for transport’, http://www.bettertransport.org.uk/blogs/traffic/what_the_spending_review_means_for_transport
[3] www.arbib.org; tel 07711 090 544
[4] ‘Final nail in your coffin: Chancellor moves into new home as UK stripped of AAA rating’, Sunday Mirror, 24 February 2013, http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/george-osborne-bungling-chancellor-moves-1728026
[5] https://combehavendefenders.wordpress.com/recent-media-coverage/
[6] See http://www.bettertransport.org.uk/campaigns/roads-to-nowhere/map for an online map of the proposals. For background see the Campaign for Better Transport’s October 2012 briefing ‘Going backwards: the new roads programme’: http://www.bettertransport.org.uk/media/26-Oct-roads-report. The latter lists 191 projects (more have come to light since then), conservatively costed at £30bn, including 76 bypasses, 56 widened roads, 48 link roads and 9 bridges and tunnels. It also notes that ‘Many of the roads would affect areas protected for conservation, landscape and heritage reasons … incl[uding] three National Parks, the National Wetland of the Norfolk Broads and at least seven Areas of Outstanding Natural Beauty (AONBs).
[7] http://www.bettertransport.org.uk/roadsrally2013

Contact 07565 967 250. Photos available from 07711 090 544 (Adrian Arbib).

Osborne's roads

Police Cut off Willits Protester from Food and Water

Crowd of supporters marches onto wetlands destruction site to resupply Red-Tailed Hawk, who has run out of food.

23rd June 2013, This incident occurred on the third day that Red-Tailed Hawk has been perched on a stitcher, blocking Willits bypass construction and protecting critical wetlands.

Crowd of supporters marches onto wetlands destruction site to resupply Red-Tailed Hawk, who has run out of food.

Saturday evening around 45 supporters of Red-Tailed Hawk’s occupation of a wick drain “stitching machine” converged on the site in what was precious wetlands in the path of CalTrans’ freeway project. Supporters walked onto the site unopposed until they reached CHP squad cars, when two officers emerged and tried to call a halt to the march. Supporters from Willits, Ukiah and beyond proceeded on the the stitcher in which Red-Tailed Hawk is perched. When he lowered a supply rope, they tried to attach bundles of food and water. CHP officers repelled the attempt three times, cutting the rope in the process.

With press on hand protestors quietly sat and reasoned with the officers to allow resupply to Red-Tailed Hawk, who has no food and very little water left. The officers refused and refused as well to reveal whether they were under orders to starve him until he descends.

 

Police prevented supplies from being sent up to Red-Tailed Hawk.

Police forcibly prevented supporters from sending food and water up to Red-Tailed Hawk.

redtailhawk3

..and then cut his supply line.

When CHP reinforcements arrived, Sgt A. Mesa ordered protesters to leave the site and immediately grabbed Sara Grusky as she was complying with the order. Her daughter Thea Grusky-Foley and Naomi Wagner allowed themselves to be arrested in solidarity. Matt Caldwell, who had attempted to attach buckets to the line, was also arrested.

redtailhawk4redtailhawk5

The evening ended at Willits Police Station, where Sara and Thea, who had walked away after being handcuffed, talked by phone to press and Sheriff Tom Allman amidst a crowd of supporters. They surrendered to an angry Sgt. Mesa after calling in their whereabouts to the CHP.

All four arrestees are currently at Mendocino County Jail, awaiting booking.  Red-Tailed Hawk is still without water and food and needs all the support we can give him.

Shell pipeline construction preparations destroyed in direct action in Erris

22 June 2013 This morning around 50 Shell to Sea campaigners kicked off the Week of Action against Shell's experimental high pressure gas pipe in Erris by tearing up the bog road Shell has laid as part of its attempt to finish the pipeline.  They also destroyed the sandbag dam that Shell were attempting to build across part of the estuary in order to be able to work on the pipelin

22 June 2013 This morning around 50 Shell to Sea campaigners kicked off the Week of Action against Shell's experimental high pressure gas pipe in Erris by tearing up the bog road Shell has laid as part of its attempt to finish the pipeline.  They also destroyed the sandbag dam that Shell were attempting to build across part of the estuary in order to be able to work on the pipeline route regardless of the tides.  This was accomplished in full view of about 15 security from IRMS – the security company hired by Shell to repress protest.

The camp has been set up at Argoose over the last couple of weeks and from Friday  numbers here more than doubled as people started to arrive from all over Ireland and beyond.    Shell have constructed a giant fortified compound at Argoose about 150m from the location of the Rossport Solidarity Camp.  The compound is ringed by a 3m spiked metal fence on which remote control video cameras are mounted to monitor the surrounding landscape.  Even when no work is in progress the compound is staffed by a couple of dozen security guards, many of them equipped with hand held video cameras.

Two further compounds are in the immediate area on the route to the refinery Shell have built at Bellnaboy.  The refinery & pipeline have met constant opposition from people living in the area for over a decade and since 2005 that opposition has involved hundreds of direct actions intended to slow down construction.  Because of these the costs of the project has escalated from the initial estimate of 600 million to a current estimate of over 3 billion.

In their attempts to force the project on the local population Shell has had the full backing of the Irish state.  Thousands of Garda have been deployed as well as Naval gunboats and the airforce at key moments of the project.  Dozens of people have been arrested and over a dozen jailed for at least a period.  Hundreds of Shell to Sea campaigners have been brutalised by Garda and private security, several being left with permanent injuries.  The political parties in government responsible for this have included Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Labour Party & the Green Party.

National opposition to the project has grown as the extent of human rights abuses directed at Shell to Sea campaigners have become known.  The campaign has also succeeded in revealing the Great Oil & Gas Giveaway to the extent that mentioning it has become a common feature of any phone in discussion of the economy.  Under the giveaway oil corporations are given any Oil or Gas they find and are only expected to pay a miniscule 25% tax rate on the profits of their sales after they have been allowed to write off all costs associated with operating in Ireland.  The typical creative accounting & tax avoidance of mega corporations means that in reality they may pay nothing at all.  Oil industry experts have stated that they expect Shell will pay no tax in relation to exploiting the Corrib field.  The terms under which the Irish state gives away Oil & Gas found in and around Ireland are amongst the worst in the world, worse even that those imposed on American occupied Iraq or Nigeria.

The Week of Action organised from the Rossport Solidarity Camp will run all through next week and over the weekend.  Anyone concerned with Shell's abuses in Erris or with the national giveaway of oil & gas is encouraged to come to Erris and stay at the camp or one of the near by bed & breakfasts.  You don't need to be willing to risk arrest in carrying out an action to be useful down here.  There are loads of support roles people are also needed to help with from documenting what is happening with cameras to chopping the carrots and doing the dishes for the collective meals.  Many of those here now have been to Erris several times but there are also quite a few people for whom this is their first time and you will certainly be made welcome.

 

Update on Belo Monte Dam Struggle

In the late morning of June 4th, two air force planes descended upon the capital city of Brasília, carrying aboard an unusual group of passengers: over 140 indigenous people, ma

In the late morning of June 4th, two air force planes descended upon the capital city of Brasília, carrying aboard an unusual group of passengers: over 140 indigenous people, mainly members of the Munduruku tribe from the Tapajós River – including leaders, warriors, women and children – along with a small number of representatives of Xingu tribes – Xikrin, Arara, Kayapó. For the indigenous delegation, the purpose of the trip, negotiated during the latest occupation of the Belo Monte Dam site, was to meet with Minister Gilberto Carvalho, General Secretary of the President’s Office, to discuss their demands for consultations and consent regarding a series of mega-dams on the Tapajós, Teles Pires and Xingu rivers, planned and, in some cases, under (illegal) construction.

Munduruku child

Munduruku child
By Jamilye Salles

During a four-hour meeting held the same day, the Munduruku voiced their concerns and outrage over threats posed by the federal government's ambitious dam-building spree in the Xingu and Tapajós basins, authorized without any process of free, prior and informed consultations and consent, as mandated by the Brazilian Constitution and international agreements such as ILO Convention 169. At the end of the meeting, the main proposal put forward by Minister Carvalho was to organize another meeting in a Munduruku village after a period of 30 days. As Carvalho left the meeting, he stated unequivocally to a group of reporters that while open to dialogue with indigenous peoples, the "government is not going to give up on its projects.” Interestingly, the Minister was referring to proposed mega-dams such as São Luiz do Tapajós whose environmental impact and economic viability studies have yet to be finalized and approved.

“What the government wants, we do not want. They want to say that they will build dams on our land and then see what we want in return. And we do not want anything in return. We want our river free and our nature preserved" stated indigenous leader Valdenir Mundurukú."The Minister says he wants to consult with indigenous peoples, but that the government's decision to build the dams has already been made. What kind of consultation is that?"

Minister of the General Secretariat of the Presidency of Brazil, Gilberto Carvalho, speaks to Munduruku Indians during a meeting at the Planalto Palace

Minister of the General Secretariat of the Presidency of Brazil, Gilberto Carvalho, speaks to Munduruku Indians during a meeting at the Planalto Palace
REUTERS/Ueslei Marcelino

Carvalho's advisors attempted to convince the indigenous delegation to return home to the state of Pará the following morning, arguing that this was part of the agreement around their trip to Brasília and that planes were awaiting them at a nearby air force base. Munduruku and Xingu leaders responded that there had been no such agreement, and they did not intend to return to their villages without concrete results from their time in Brasília.

The next morning, the Munduruku and Xingu representatives assembled in the Praça dos Três Poderes, adjacent to the Presidential Palace, Brazilian Congress and Supreme Court. There, they were greeted by leaders of the Terena people, who had traveled to Brasília to demand the demarcation of their lands and a full investigation into the killing of Osiel Gabriel, a Terena killed by the federal police in a land conflict involving ranchers in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul. As the Terena leaders departed for a meeting with the Minister of Justice, the Munduruku and Xingu representatives proceeded in the direction of the Presidential Palace with the goal of delivering a letter to President Dilma Rousseff that included a request for a meeting. However, a large security force assembled a barricade, physically preventing the indigenous people from reaching the entrance to the palace. The letter to Dilma was never delivered. The delegation then walked to the main entrance of the Brazilian Congress where they personally delivered a letter to Representative Padre Ton, chairman of a congressional caucus in support of indigenous peoples.

Munduruku child at demonstration in front of Presidential Palace

Munduruku child at demonstration in front of Presidential Palace
By Brent Millikan

Following the decision to extend their stay in Brasília, the indigenous delegation was informed by Minister Carvalho's staff that his office would not provide additional lodging, food or transportation in Brasília. As a result, the delegation moved to a compound on the outskirts of Brasília operated by CIMI, one of the progressive arms of the Catholic Church that supports indigenous peoples. After a few days, they needed to find another place to stay because the CIMI compound was already reserved for a large event. The new President of FUNAI (the government organization tasked with indigenous affairs), Maria Augusta Assirati, told CIMI and the indigenous delegation that her agency would resolve the problem. When a solution failed to materialize, the Munduruku and Xingu representatives decided to occupy FUNAI headquarters in the center of Brasília.

The Munduruku and their Xingu allies staged a protest outside the Ministry of Mines and Energy

Munduruku protest outside the Ministry of Mines and Energy
By Brent Millikan

The Munduruku and their Xingu allies subsequently staged an impressive protest at the entrance of the Ministry of Mines and Energy – de-facto headquarters of the Brazilian dam industry – that included singing and dancing. The delegation formally requested meetings with Joaquim Barbosa and Felix Fischer, chief justices of the Federal Supreme Court (STF) and Superior Court of Justice (STJ), respectively, to discuss outstanding lawsuits regarding lack of prior consultations in the cases of Belo Monte and the Tapajos dams. Neither request was granted.

On June 12th, Brazil's most well-known indigenous leader,Chief Raoni, traveled to Brasília to show solidarity with the Mundurukú, one of the main outcomes of a meeting just organized among the Kayapó of the Xingu Basin. In the past, the Kayapó and Mundurukú occasionally engaged in conflicts, which made Chief Raoni’s presence an even more historic event, uniting communites with a common goal of defending their territories and rights against destructive dam projects.

Munduruku warrior in front of Brazilian Congress

Munduruku warrior in front of Brazilian Congress
By Brent Millikan

Throughout their stay in Brasilia, the Munduruku and Xingu representatives insisted that the government honor the issue of consent: i.e. that the federal government should listen to indigenous peoples and respect their decision. This is precisely what the administrations of Lula and Dilma Rousseff have not done, blatantly flouting the Brazilian Constitution and international agreements regarding indigenous peoples' rights while intervening in federal courts to ensure the rule of law is not upheld.

Last Thursday, the Munduruku and representatives from the Xingu returned to the state of Pará after nine days in Brasilia, vowing to continue the struggle. "Our fight has just begun. We're returning to our communities where we will strengthen ourselves and create alliances with other indigenous peoples so that, together, we can fight this desrespect of the federal government for our culture, our beliefs and our rights” stated Valdenir Mundurukú, shortly before the group embarked on air force planes for the long voyage home.

Honduras Targeting Indigenous Dam Opponents

21 June 2013, On Friday, May 24, Berta Caceres, the General Coordinator of the Indigenous Lenca organization COPINH, and Tomas Gomez of COPINH’s community radio station, were traveling on rural dirt roads to reach the Indigenous Lenca community of Rio Blanco when they were stopped by 15-20 soldiers. The whole area had been militarized just two weeks before in response to the area-wide mobilization against a hydroelectric dam being illegally built in the Indigenous Lenca community of Rio Blanco. The First Battalion of Engineers, commanded by an SOA graduate, occupied the area to protect the interests of the company and enable dam construction to continue in direct violation of ILO Convention 169 and the will of the communities in the area.

Despite the military’s presence, evictions, sabotage to COPINH’s vehicle, death threats against community leaders, and intimidation, the resistance to the dam continued to grow as the Rio Blanco community neared 2 months of blocking the dam entrance. When Berta and Tomas drove the winding dirt roads to Rio Blanco on May 24, as they had many times before in COPINH’s now well-recognized vehicle, the military was waiting for them. They were on an isolated dirt road, where anything that occurred would be the word of at least 15 soldiers against that of Berta and Tomas. The COPINH leaders were ordered to stop and get out of the car. The soldiers proceeded to search their vehicle in detail, even poking their fingers in the engine, and found nothing. However, that did not matter in their pre-planned operation to criminalize Berta and weaken the struggle against the Agua Zarca dam: they simply claimed to have found a gun and then called the police, who took Berta and Tomas to jail. Berta was arrested and kept in jail overnight, finally being conditionally released after dozens of international phone calls inquiring for her safety. But first, she was charged with “illegally carrying weapons,” a charge that can result in time in prison. Subsequently, she was also charged with attempting against the internal security of the state of Honduras.

Two-time SOA graduate Col. Milton Amaya, the Commander of the First Battalion of Engineers, made accusations about Berta Caceres to the press, resulting in several news articles that claim the well-known social movement leader was illegally armed. This is part of a broader strategy by the military and Honduran oligarchy to criminalize and defame social movements by painting them as armed or operating outside the law.

In the case of COPINH, the criminalization and defamation of Berta Caceres by the military was aimed at breaking the community’s resistance to the hydroelectric dam – thus enabling powerful multinational interests to profit from the Rio Blanco community’s carefully stewarded natural resources.  Confidential sources reported that the company felt that by “taking her (Berta) down, the others will break.” In a telling indication of the true motives behind Berta’s arrest, the Honduran daily newspaper El Tiempo reported that Col. Amaya “accused Caceres of rallying the Indigenous population of the area known as Rio Blanco… to reject the construction of the Agua Zarca hydroelectric dam.”

The powerful interests behind the project and their influence in the Honduran government was evident when the prosecutor against Berta was changed from the local office in Santa Barbara to the National Procuraduria General de la Republica, which requested that Berta be imprisoned while awaiting trial. However, what the powers at be didn't count on was the widespread support for Berta Caceres by Honduran social movements and international organizations. On June 13, outside the courthouse where a hearing against Berta held, representatives from over 40 organizations gathered to demand an end to the criminalization of Berta and COPINH. Nobel Peace Prize winner Adolfo Pérez Esquivel held a press conference in Argentina and organizations and individuals from across the Americas contacted the Honduran government and released statements calling for Berta's freedom.

On June 13, the hearing dragged on, with two recesses, the second postponing the resolution to the end of the day. However, those gathered outside the courthouse to demand Berta's freedom refused to leave. It was reported that representatives of the companies building the hydroelectric dam had gone drinking with the judge in the days prior to the hearing, but this time their efforts to sway the easily corruptible Honduran justice system were not enough. There was no evidence against Berta, numerous irregularities in her arrest, and the two soldiers who testified about supposedly finding a weapon contradicted each other several times in their testimony.

In the Honduran judicial system, lack of evidence isn't a problem when there is a political motive for a conviction, but this time it seems the political cost of locking up a widely known and respected leader with support from across the continent was too much. After taking recesses to surely consult with the powers at be, instead of ordering a trial and sending Berta to prison in the meantime, the judge “provisionally dismissed” the charges. Those standing vigil outside the courthouse celebrated the news of Berta's freedom and the failure of the military's efforts to jail her. The provisional part means that the prosecutor has 5 years to present new evidence but is clear to all involved there will be national and international pushback to any attempt to fabricate charges.

However, the powerful interests behind the project are not giving up. Following the court's decision not to jail Berta, there were new death threats against her and other COPINH and community leaders. It is reported that someone was paid to murder Berta this week and there are indications they may try to criminalize other leaders. The First Battalion of Engineers continues to occupy the zone, literally protecting corporate interests rather than the population. COPINH has denounced that soldiers have even driven company machinery to try to custodian the machinery past the Indigenous Lenca community's blockade. On June 11, when many in the community were away for a mobilization, soldiers and police physically destroyed the roadblock. They then attempted to accompany employees of DESA and SINOHYDRO past the blockade but the small group of women and children present refused to let the company in. On June 16, community members report that 150 soldiers and police arrived at the Rio Blanco blockade, several traveling in company vehicles as they often do. Again the community refused to move, refusing to let the company advance in illegally building a dam in their territory.

The Indigenous Lenca communities are up against very powerful interests who want their territory – in violation of their right to the land that has belonged to their community for centuries, which they have carefully stewarded and plan to pass onto their children. One of the principal investors in the dam is the Honduran Bank FICOHSA, whose president is Camilo Atala, is an extremely powerful businessman identified as one of the “intellectual authors and financers of the coup d’etat.” FICOHSA also exercises significant political power because they purchased Honduras’ internal debt after the 2009 military coup. The World Bank and Central American Bank for Economic Integration are also key investors. A Chinese state company, SINOHYDRO, which is the largest hydropower company in the world is working on the project. As Berta Caceres explains, "we are confronting an oligarchic, banking, financial, and transnational power, as well as the State of Honduras itself and its repressive forces, which have historically aligned themselves with the interests of multinational corporations."

The criminalization and militarization faced by COPINH and the Indigenous communities of Rio Blanco takes place in the context of increasing criminalization of Honduran social movements, especially those who are defending their natural resources as the right-wing government ushered in by the military coup literally sells off the country to multinational corporations and the Honduran oligarchy.

Take action: Click here to e-mail the World Bank, the US Embassy in Honduras, and the Honduran authorities, urging them to end the militarization and criminalization of the Rio Blanco struggle and respect for ILO Convention 169 and the right of the Indigenous Lenca communities of Rio Blanco to decide whether or not they want a hydroelectric dam built on their territory.

Corrib campaigner released from Castlerea prison

21st June 2013

Corrib campaigner released from Castlerea prison

21st June 2013

Corrib campaigner released from Castlerea prison

Liam Heffernan released after 10 days imprisonment and 5 days on hunger strike
 
Today at Harristown court, Castlrea Co. Roscommon, Liam Walsh Heffernan (28) of Castlebar Co. Mayo, was released from Castlerea prison after 10 days in custody. For the last 5 days of his imprisonment he had been on hunger strike protesting against his detention and the extraordinary conditions of the bail terms that he had thus far refused.
 
Mr Heffernan was arrested on the 12th of June while protesting against the Shell Corrib gas project at Aughoose Co. Mayo. At Belmullet Garda station he was charged under sections 8 and 9 of the Public Order Act. He was offered bail, with the extraordinary condition that he stay away from Aughoose, site of the Shell tunnelling works for the Corrib gas project. Aughoose is also the location of the Rossport Solidarity Camp and is a central focus of protest against the project. Mr Heffernan refused the bail conditions, and has been held on remand until his release today.
 
On the 17th of June Mr Heffernan began a hunger strike against his extraordinary bail terms and his continued detention. This morning at a bail hearing in Harristown court, Mr Heffernan, representing himself, made an application to the Judge Browne to change the terms of the bond, in order to permit him to return to Aughoose. The Judge said that he was unable to alter the bail terms in that court. Mr Heffernan then signed the bail bond, stating that he would challenge the bail terms and contest the public order charges. Mr Heffernan's first appearance in relation to the charges is on the 10th of July, Belmullet district court.
 
Upon his release Mr Heffernan said: "The state has attempted to limit my freedom of speech and movement, by applying these extraordinary conditions on my bail. People in Mayo have suffered decades of injustice because of the imposition of the Corrib gas project. What we do with our natural resources should be open to national debate, and for any project to proceed, the consent of the people must be sought."
 
 

Corrib campaigner on hunger strike in Castlerea prison

View image on Twitter

On Monday 17th of June Corrib campaigner Liam Heffernan began a hunger strike in protest against his continued detention in Castlerea prison.

View image on Twitter

On Monday 17th of June Corrib campaigner Liam Heffernan began a hunger strike in protest against his continued detention in Castlerea prison.

On Wednesday morning the 12th of June Liam Heffernan – a campaigner from the Rossport Solidarity Camp – was arrested at Aughoose, County Mayo under sections 8 and 9 of the Public Order Act for allegedly obstructing Shell construction vehicles without lawful authority or reasonable excuse.

At Belmullet Garda station Mr. Heffernan was offered to enter into a bail bond with the condition that he stay away from the Shell tunnelling compound at Aughoose. After refusing this extraordinary condition, he was remanded to Catlerea prison, Co. Roscommon for two days until the court sat on Friday morning last.

In Harristown Court, Castlerea, Mr. Heffernan, defending himself, read a statement to the court saying that he believed he was being illegally detained and informed the Judge of some of the history of the Corrib gas project and his reasons for protesting at Aughoose. The Judge replied that he should take up these issues with the High Court and/or the Government. At this point Mr. Heffernan accepted to enter into the bail conditions set out by the Judge and to appear before Belmullet District Court on the 10th of July.

The Judge however found problems with Mr. Heffernan's signature and remanded the campaigner in custody until the next sitting of Harristown court.

Today, Thursday the 20th of June, marks Liam's ninth day in prison and fourth day on hunger strike. Supporters of Liam are invited to attend Harristown Court, Castlerea, tomorrow,  Friday the 21st of June at 10.30am

 

Shell speedboats ram and sink kayaker for Corrib gas project

19 June 2013. On Sunday Shell began laying the offshore umbilical pipeline for the Corrib Gas Project. Kayakers from the Rossport Solidarity Camp entered Broadhaven Bay to protest against the continued imposition of the disastrous project.

19 June 2013. On Sunday Shell began laying the offshore umbilical pipeline for the Corrib Gas Project. Kayakers from the Rossport Solidarity Camp entered Broadhaven Bay to protest against the continued imposition of the disastrous project.

The Gardai are allowing Shell increasingly to police the protests themselves, by using their private security force – IRMS, and at sea, so called extra "safety" boats.

Do you want private militias operating in Ireland at the behest of the most powerful corporations in the world?

If not you are welcome to come to Mayo, check out the situation for yourself, and if you like add your skill, creativity and time to the resistance.

Keystone Pipeline Protesters Block Chicago Federal Building

Protesters blockade Chicago’s Metcalfe Federal Building in the first action of the No KXL campaign, Jun 17, 2013..

Protesters blockade Chicago’s Metcalfe Federal Building in the first action of the No KXL campaign, Jun 17, 2013.. (Photo: @whitjones via Twitter)

Jun 18th, 2013

Over 20 anti-Keystone protesters were arrested Monday morning for blockading the doors to a Chicago federal building as part of newly launched call to action that declares “if you don’t act, I will.”

The demonstration was the first action organized by the group No KXL who are launching a civil disobedience campaign aimed directly at President Obama and his pending decision to permit construction of TransCanada’s Keystone XL tar sands pipeline. …

According to the NOKXL website, over 60,000 activists have pledged to participate in similar actions intended to pressure Obama into blocking the pipeline.

The protest came just days after the Globe and Mail reported that at least 2.5 million gallons of toxic fluid have spilled from an oil and gas operation in Northern Alberta. The drill site in question is operated by Houston-based Apache Corp.

 

Keystone XL Activists Labeled Possible Eco-Terrorists

17/06/13. Documents recently obtained by Bold Nebraska [1] show that TransCanada – owner of the hotly-contested Keystone XL (KXL) [2] tar sands pipeline – has colluded with an FBI/DHS Fusion Center in Nebraska [3], labeling non-violent activists as possible candidates for “terrorism” charges and other serious criminal charges.

Further, the language in some of the documents is so vague that it could also ensnare journalists, researchers and academics, as well.

TransCanada also built a roster of names and photos of specific individuals involved in organizing against the pipeline, including 350.org‘s Rae Breaux, Rainforest Action Network‘s Scott Parkin and Tar Sands Blockade‘s Ron Seifert. Further, every activist ever arrested protesting the pipeline’s southern half is listed by name with their respective photo shown, along with the date of arrest.


It’s PSYOPs-gate and “fracktivists” as “an insurgency” [4] all over again, but this time it’s another central battleground that’s in play: the northern half of KXL, a proposed border-crossing pipeline whose final fate lies in the hands of President Barack Obama.

The southern half of the pipeline was approved by the Obama Admin. via a March 2013 Executive Order [5]. Together, the two pipeline halves would pump diluted bitumen (“dilbit”) [6] south from the Alberta tar sands toward Port Arthur, TX, where it will be refined and shipped to the global export market [7].

Activists across North America have put up a formidable fight against both halves of the pipeline, ranging from the summer 2011 Tar Sands Action [8] to the ongoing Tar Sands Blockade [9]. Apparently, TransCanada has followed the action closely, given the level of detail in the documents.

Another Piece of the Puzzle

Unhappy with the protest efforts that would ultimately hurt their bottom-line profits, TransCanada has already filed a s [10]trategic lawsuit against public participation [10] (SLAPP) against Tar Sands Blockadewhich was eventually settled out of court in Jan. 2013 [11]. That was just one small piece of the repressive puzzle, though it sent a reverberating message to eco-activists: they’re being watched [12].
In May 2013, Hot Springs School District in South Dakota held a mock bomb drill, with the mock “domestic terrorists” none other than anti-Keystone XL activists [13].

“The Hot Springs School District practiced a lockdown procedure after pretending to receive a letter from a group that wrote ‘things dear to everyone will be destroyed unless continuation of the Keystone pipeline and uranium mining is stopped immediately,” explained the Rapid City Journal [13]. “As part of the drill, the district’s 800 students locked classroom doors, pulled down window shades and remained quiet.”

This latest revelation, then, is a continuation of the troubling trend profiled in investigative journalist Will Potter’s book “Green Is the New Red [14].” That is, eco-activists are increasingly being treated as domestic eco-terrorists both by corporations and by law enforcement.

TransCanada Docs: “Attacking Critical Infrastructure” = “Terrorism”

The documents demonstrate a clear fishing expedition by TransCanada. For example, TransCanada’s PowerPoint presentation from Dec. 2012 on corporate security allege that Bold Nebraska had “suspicious vehicles/photography [15]” outside of its Omaha office.

That same presentation also says TransCanada has received “aggressive/abusive email and voicemail,” vaguely citing an incident in which someone said the words “blow up,” with no additional context offered. It also states the Tar Sands Blockade is “well-funded,” an ironic statement about a shoe-string operation coming from one of the richest and most powerful industries in human history.

Another portion of TransCanada’s PowerPoint presentation discusses the various criminal and anti-terrorism statutes that could be deployed[16] to deter grassroots efforts to stop KXL. The charge options TransCanada presented included criminal trespass, criminal conspiracy, and most prominently and alarmingly: federal and state anti-terrorism statutes.

Journalism Could be Terrorism/Criminal According to FBI/DHS Fusion Center Presentation

An April 2013 presentation given by John McDermott [17] – a Crime Analyst at the Nebraska Information Analysis Center (NIAC) [18], the name of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and Department of Homeland Security (DHS) funded Nebraska-based Fusion Center [19] – details all of the various “suspicious activities” that could allegedly prove a “domestic terrorism” plot in-the-make.

NAIC says its mission is to [19] “[c]ollect, evaluate, analyze, and disseminate information and intelligence data regarding criminal and terrorist activity to federal, state, local and tribal law enforcement agencies, other Fusion Centers and to the public and private entities as appropriate.”

Among the “observed behaviors and incidents reasonably indicative of preoperations planning related to terrorism or other criminal activity” is “photography, observation, or surveillance of facilities, buildings, or critical infrastructure and key resources.” A slippery slope, to say the least, which could ensnare journalists and photo-journalists out in the field doing their First Amendment-protected work.

Another so-called “suspicious activity” that could easily ensnare journalists, researchers and academics: “Eliciting information beyond curiosity about a facility’s or building’s purpose, operations, or security.”

Melissa Troutman [20] and Joshua Pribanic [21] – producers of the documentary film “Triple Divide [22]” and co-editors of the investigative journalism website Public Herald – are an important case in point. While in the Tioga State Forest (public land) filming a Seneca Resources fracking site in Troy, Pennsylvania, they were detained by a Seneca contractor and later labeled possible “eco-terrorists.”

“In discussions between the Seneca Resources and Chief Caldwell, we were made out to be considered ‘eco-terrorists’ who attempted to trespass and potentially vandalize Seneca’s drill sites, even though the audio recording of this incident is clear that we identified ourselves as investigative journalists in conversation with the second truck driver,”they explained in a post about the encounter [23], which can also be heard in their film.

“We were exercising a constitutional right as members of the free press to document and record events of interest to the public on public property when stripped of that right by contractors of Seneca.”

Activists protesting against the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) during its April 2013 meeting in Arizona were also labeled as possible “domestic terrorists” by the Arizona  [24]FBI/DHS Fusion Center [24], as detailed in a recent investigation by the Center for Media and Democracy [25].

“Not Just Empty Rhetoric”

It’d be easy to write off TransCanada and law enforcement’s antics as absurd. Will Potter, in an article about the documents, warned against such a mentality.

“This isn’t empty rhetoric,” he wrote [3]. “In Texas, a terrorism investigation entrapped activists for using similar civil disobedience tactics [26]. And as I reported recently for VICE [27], Oregon considered legislation to criminalize tree sits. TransCanada has beenusing similar tactics in [Canada] as well [28].”

And this latest incident is merely the icing on the cake of the recent explosive findings by Glenn Greenwald of The Guardian [29] about theNational Security Agency’s (NSA) spying [30] on the communcations records of every U.S. citizen [31].

“Many terrorism investigations (and a great many convictions) are politically contrived to suit the ends of corporations, offering a stark reminder of how the expansion of executive power — whether in the context of dragnet NSA surveillance, or the FBI treating civil disobedience as terrorism — poses a threat to democracy,” Shahid Buttar, Executive Director of the Bill of Rights Defense Committeetold DeSmogBlog.