Switzerland: Update From Anarchist Prisoner Marco Camenisch

marco-camenisch-220th May 2014. Since the 15th or the 16th of May, Marco Camenisch has been held in solitar

marco-camenisch-220th May 2014. Since the 15th or the 16th of May, Marco Camenisch has been held in solitary confinement for five days in the prison of Lenzburg, Switzerland, because he refused to give a urine sample.

On the 23rd of May 2014 he will be transferred to the Bostadel penal institution. Whether his transfer was ordered because he once again refused to give a urine sample or it was planned beforehand, is (still) not clear to us.

Marco’s incarceration is expected to end on May 8th of the year 2018. His early release from prison (“conditional release”) has been rejected because of “chronic propensity towards violence” and “delinquency-promoting ideology”, among other things.

Marco Camenisch

Strafanstalt Bostadel
Postfach 38, CH-6313 Menzingen, Schweiz/Switzerland

Tel. +41 41 757 1919, Fax +41 41 757 1900

More info on Marco Mamenisch

Enbridge Pipeline Road Blocked by Protesters in Burlington

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20th May 2014. A group of protesters has blockaded the road to an exposed section of Enbridge’s Line 9 pipeline early this morning in Burlington, Ont.

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20th May 2014. A group of protesters has blockaded the road to an exposed section of Enbridge’s Line 9 pipeline early this morning in Burlington, Ont.

The protesters say they plan to continue the blockade for at least 12 hours.

A news release says the 12-hour stay represents 12,000 “anomalies Enbridge has reported to exist on the line.”

 

“Enbridge calls these developments integrity digs,” said Danielle Boissineau, one of the protesters, “but to anyone watching the Line 9 issue, it’s clear Enbridge has no integrity. This work on the line is just a Band-Aid, a flimsy patch over the most outrageous flaws in the Line 9 plan.

“Line 9 has a lot of similarities to Line 6B that erupted in the Kalamazoo River. The risk is just not worth it,” she said.

From July to December of last year, there were 308 maintenance digs along Line 9 — and the vast majority were for cracks in the line. In July alone, Enbridge filed 105 maintenance notices for digs on the line, according to documents filed with the National Energy Board.

The group says its members include residents of Burlington who don’t want the pipeline running through their city.

“Line 9 has nearly 13,000 structural weaknesses along its length” said Brian Sutherland, a Burlington resident. “And yet Enbridge is only doing a few hundred integrity digs.”

There were about 20 protesters at the site early Tuesday. As of 8:15 a.m., no police had arrived.

Last June, a group of protesters shut down construction at an Enbridge pump station in rural Hamilton.

About 80 people interrupted construction at the North Westover site.

In March, the NEB approved a request from Enbridge to reverse the flow and increase the capacity of the controversial Line 9 pipeline that has been running between southern Ontario and Montreal for years.

Line 9 originally shuttled oil from Sarnia, Ont., to Montreal, but was reversed in the late 1990s in response to market conditions to pump imported crude westward. Enbridge now wants to flow oil back eastwards to service refineries in Ontario and Quebec.

It plans to move 300,000 barrels of crude oil per day through the line, a rise from the current 240,000 barrels, with no increase in pressure.

Opponents argue the Line 9 plan puts communities at risk, threatens water supplies and could endanger vulnerable species in ecologically sensitive areas.

Breaking: Blockade Launched Against Enbridge Line 9 Pipeline

Photo: CBC20th May 2014. A group of area residents have blockaded the access road to an exposed section of Enbridge’s Line 9 pipeline, beginning at 7am this morning.

Photo: CBC20th May 2014. A group of area residents have blockaded the access road to an exposed section of Enbridge’s Line 9 pipeline, beginning at 7am this morning. They say they will stay for at least twelve hours, one hour for every thousand anomalies Enbridge has reported to exist on the line. These community members turned away Enbridge employees who were scheduled to do work on Line 9 in preparation for it to carry toxic diluted bitumen from the Alberta Tar Sands. This particular work site is adjacent to the Bronte creek, a major waterway flowing to Lake Ontario, the water source for more than ten million people.

“Enbridge calls these developments integrity digs,” said Danielle Boissineau, one of the blockaders, “but to anyone watching the Line 9 issue, it’s clear Enbridge has no integrity. This work on the line is just a band-aid, a flimsy patch over the most outrageous flaws in the Line 9 plan.” [Danielle notes that a record of just some of Enbridge’s false or misleading statements is available on the Enbridge Lies facebook page

“Line 9 has nearly 13,000 structural weaknesses along its length” said Brian Sutherland, a Burlington resident. “And yet Enbridge is only doing a few hundred integrity digs. Enbridge has been denying the problems with the pipe for years, and they still refuse to do the hydrostatic testing requested by the province. Are we really supposed to trust Enbridge when they tell us that this time they’ll do it right?”

 

Many of the blockaders point to the disastrous spill from Enbridge’s line 6b into the Kalamazoo River in Michigan in 2010, where millions of litres of oil spilled and have so far proven impossible to clean up. But many of them emphasize that their opposition to Line 9 goes beyond safety concerns.

“This is not about pipelines versus rail; it’s about the Tar Sands,” said Danielle Boissineau. “It’s the dirtiest oil in the world: it’s not worth the destruction it takes to produce, it’s not worth the risk to our watersheds to transport, and we definitely can’t afford the carbon in our atmosphere when it’s burned. At every step of the process, the Tar Sands outsources the risks onto our communities and poisons waterways like the Athabasca River and the Bronte creek while companies like Enbridge get rich.”

Construction Vehicles Targeted

one of the M6 link sites15

one of the M6 link sites15th May 2014. About a little over week ago we snuck into a condo development in Seattle and poured a gallon of bleach into the gas tank of an excavator. This was a small but easily reproducible attack against the expansion of gentrification in Seattle.

Construction vehicles are being targeted at M6 link road sites near Lancaster, England causing thousands of pounds of damage.

In what appears to be an orchestrated campaign, hydraulic hoses were cut on excavators and dumper trucks.

Other incidents include:

*Sand being put into tanks to contaminate the fuel

*Tyres being let down

*Damage to a temporary jetty in the River Lune

Thousands of pounds worth of damage was caused at a site at Crossgills Farm, Lancaster.

Police said: “Eight vehicles, including excavators and dumper trucks, were damaged to the tune of thousands of pounds at the weekend.

“Tyres have also been let down and sand put into fuel tanks.

“We are keeping an open mind as to who is responsible, however the vandals have made a concerted effort to cause criminal damage by using bolt croppers to cut the rubber hoses.”

 

Local Protesters Are Killing Big Oil and Mining Projects Worldwide

we wont stop14th May 2014.

we wont stop14th May 2014. Multinational corporations are infamous for pushing native people off their land in order to open a new gold mine, extract oil, or otherwise extract local resources. For decades, backlash has been thought to be both limited and ineffectual, but new evidence suggests that protests from local people are effective, extremely costly for the companies, and often lead to substantive changes to or total abandonment of a project.

Researchers at the Centre for Social Responsibility in Mining interviewed employees at several dozen major international corporations who are involved with extractive activities, and found that companies are increasingly having to deal with the social and environmental impacts of their work, and that it’s hurting them where it hurts most: their bottom lines.

The researchers, led by Daniel Franks, took a look at 50 planned major extractive projects (oil drilling, new mine construction, that sort of thing) and found that in fully half of them, local people launched some sort of “project blockade.” In 40 percent of the projects, someone died as a result of a physical protest, and 15 of the projects were suspended or abandoned altogether, according to Franks’ study, published in Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.

“There is a popular misconception that local communities are powerless in the face of large corporations and governments,” Franks said in a statement. “Our findings show that community mobilization can be very effective at raising the costs to companies.”

The number of projects in the study sample affected by local action. Image: PNAS

The number of projects in the study sample affected by local action. Image: PNAS

The reason these projects, such as the Minas Conga gold mine in northern Peruand Lanjigarh bauxite mining project in Orissa, India, were abandoned wasn’t borne out of some sense of social responsibility to not pollute the environment or to not push people off their land. It was because the protests and resulting government backlash was so great that it became financially unviable to move forward.

Delays, even early in a project, can be extremely costly—at a major mining project, $20 million per week in lost revenues and lost investment isn’t uncommon. According to the study’s respondents, a nine-month delay at a Latin American mine cost a company $750 million; protests that shut down power lines at another operation cost $750,000 a day. Even before drilling or extraction has started, lost wages and startup delays can cost $50,000 a day when programs are forced to a standstill after they’ve started.

Perhaps not surprisingly, protests were most successful when they took place early on, during feasibility and construction phases of a project.

This [is] in part because the project is smaller in scale and therefore easier to contest, but also because at later stages of the project cycle, capital has been sunk into an area, changes become costly to retrofit, revenues begin to be generated, and there are increased incentives for companies and governments to ‘defend’ their projects,” Franks wrote.

Social media and internet access are allowing indigenous and local groups to organize more quickly, to learn from others who have had successful protests, and to connect with nonprofits and humanitarian groups that can help push their stories out to the entire world.

“There’s been a big change in the mentality of indigenous people—things like Facebook are allowing them to not be as naive,” Kelly Swing, a Boston University researcher who works in an area of the Ecuadorian Amazon that is currently fighting back against proposed oil projects, told me. “They look at what has happened in, say, Peru, and see that their culture has gone to hell in a handbasket. All of a sudden, gifts the companies offer, like boats and education and modern medicine aren’t the panacea they used to seem.”

Companies, for their part, are learning how to anticipate these sorts of hangups, and some of those interviewed (all identities and specific responses were kept confidential) said that local backlash can be predicted and quantified before it happens.

“Several interviewees were strongly of the view that the triggers for and underlying causes of company-community conflict, and its costs, are predictable, and that approaches, procedures, and standards are available to companies to avoid conflict and develop constructive relationships with community actors,” Franks wrote.

At many companies, Franks wrote, the higher ups who approve major projects are completely oblivious that their work might have some sort of social or environmental impact. To combat this, companies hire “translators” who are able to identify potential social problems and put them in a language executives can understand: money.

“Translation requires individuals within organizations who can work across functional, organizational, and conceptual boundaries, and who can work in more than one ‘language’ and interpret how social and environmental risk is translating into costs for business. The need for internal ‘translators’ suggests that corporate decision-makers do not currently have the necessary models to internalize externalities and translate social risk inward,” Franks wrote.

Franks wrote that there’s some evidence that companies really do want to make sure local people are treated correctly—that, as he found, concerns such as drinking water contamination, environmental destruction, and public health risks, are not brushed aside. Then again, he noted that “some see stakeholder-related concerns as optional ‘add-ons’ to broader regulatory processes for operating projects.”

The challenge for those “stakeholders,” then, is making sure that, no matter what, they make a project so difficult to complete that those “add-ons” become so costly that the project dies. It seems like, in an increasing number of cases, that’s actually happening.

Brutal Crackdown on Hangzhou Waste Incinerator Protest Leaves 3 Dead, Sparks Riot

BnSLJE7CcAAZOqf 12th May 2014 At least three people are reported dead with dozens more injured, hospitalized and arrested after hundreds of police began a brutal repre

BnSLJE7CcAAZOqf 12th May 2014 At least three people are reported dead with dozens more injured, hospitalized and arrested after hundreds of police began a brutal repression with baton beatings, tasers and tear gas, in a move to clear out 1000′s of proposed waste incinerator plant protesters in Hangzhou.

Social media accounts are reporting that 2 men and a child were killed by police during the initial crackdown. People report that the incident began with the police attacking the elderly people who were sitting as a barrier to the overpass encampment that has been on site in past weeks.

The police violence sparked a violent response from the thousands that were gathered to protest. At least 15 police vehicles, including buses were overturned and some of them burned. The resistance to the police continued in waves into the night.

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Several people are reporting that cell and internet service have been cut off. Chinese state run media has yet to report on the incident.

Hundreds of police were sent out today to quell the protest.

Nembe Communities Occupy Shell Oil Facilities in Nigeria

Shell's environmental destruction of southern Nigeria is internationally condemned 12th May 2014

Shell's environmental destruction of southern Nigeria is internationally condemned 12th May 2014

Stakeholders and indigenes of Nembe-Bassambiri in Bayelsa State last weekend besieged oil facilities operated by the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) over it’s divestment plans and proposed sale of its Oil Mining Licenses (OMLs).

The host to some of the SPDC’s installations in Nembe Local Government Area of the state, were angry at the plan by Shell to sell OML 29 located in their domain without consulting them.

Shell has reportedly placed its 45 percent stake in four oil wells including OML 29 for sale as part of the company’s divestment.

OML 29 is believed to have increased to 62,000 bpd of oil and 40 million standard cubic feet of gas per day (mmscf/d). It also holds reserves of 2.2 billion barrels of oil equivalent (boe).

The aggrieved protesters who stormed the company’s facilities on Saturday with diffrent  placards asked Shell to stop production for three days to address their demands.

Numbering over 100, the demonstrators consisting of women, youths, chiefs, leaders and elders from the community came on 15 speedboats.

The protesters led by a member of the community’s Oil and Gas Committee, Chief Brigidi, took over the Nembe-Brass waterways, chanting solidarity songs as they sailed to SPDC’s major oil platforms in the area to register their grievances.

Some of the placards displayed by the protesters read: “the land is ours, the oil is ours, Shell cannot divest without us”;  “No, to Shell OML 29 sale”; “After polluting our land and water, Shell wants to sell our land”.

Others are “No to fraudulent sell of investment”. “No to Shell fraudulent divestment”;  “OML 29, OPU Nembe demand justice”; “Do not sell our oil wells to strangers” and “Include our companies in OML divestment plans”.

A member of the Nembe-Bassambiri Council of Chiefs, Chief Bukunor Alfred, said members of the community were angry at the plan of SPDC to sell oil blocks in the area without consulting them.

He said delegates sent by the council of chiefs to dialogue with SPDC on the development returned disappointed, saying, “Our placards have shown that we are not happy with Shell. We are by this protest giving Shell three days to shut down operation and dialogue with us or we will ensure that these facilities are permanently closed.”

He said though SPDC had contributed in the development of the community, the company was wrong to take a major decision of divesting without consulting its landlords.

“We are not against what they are doing. But we want to say that we are the landlords and we are supposed to be notified on what our tenants are doing,” he said.

Also, the Chairman of Opu-Nembe Improvement Union (ONIU), Mr. Ebinyo Robert, said the community would not let the company to leave unceremoniously after destroying its environment through pollution.

He insisted that the company must involve the community in all the processes involved in selling OML 29.

He warned that individuals and companies indicating interest to buy the oil wells should desist or have the community to contend with.

He said the communities have nominated three companies, Amot Oil E&P Limited, A-Abas Resources and Isea BMG, to participate in the bidding process.

He said: “The place has been polluted and our enviroment, our water our land, has been degraded for a long time. We have not been rehabilitated the way we really wanted it.

“By this demonstration, we are telling the parties to the sale including the bidders to desist from going ahead because if they do, of course, the land is ours, the water is ours and the oil is ours, they will have us to contend with and they may not like us in the manner in which they will meet us when they come to operate.

“So, we are asking the SPDC to stop the flow and all operations for now and ensure that the community is carried along because that is the only way we can have peace here.

“We are also saying that the community has nominated three companies, Amot Oil E&P Limited, A-Abas Resources and Isea BMG, to participate in the bidding process. So, SPDC should involve these companies in the process.”

But the Operations Team Lead Santa Barbara Flow Station, Mr. Akpe Emmanuel, welcomed the protesters on behalf of Shell.

He thanked them for the peaceful manner in which they conducted the demonstration and promised to pass their grievances across the SPDC.

He said: “Once again, you are welcome. I want to thank you for the manner in which you presented your case. I really appreciate it on behalf of Shell.

“Like the community has assigned you to represent them, I am also here on behalf of Shell. I have heard all you have said. It is my duty to pass this message to my principal.”

Mass Trial of Indigenous Leaders Set to Begin this Week in Peru

"Photos from Bagua" by Ben Powless 12th May 2014 A massive trial involving 53 Indigenous leaders and activists is set to begin this week, reviving the tragic events that took place four years ago in the Amazonas Region

"Photos from Bagua" by Ben Powless 12th May 2014 A massive trial involving 53 Indigenous leaders and activists is set to begin this week, reviving the tragic events that took place four years ago in the Amazonas Region of Peru.

In April 2009, a national indigenous mobilization was organized to stop a plan by the Peruvian government to roll-back indigenous land rights and make it easier for industry to exploit the Amazon rainforest.

The first month of the mobilization, led by more than 1200 communities, was largely peaceful. However, that began to change on May 9, 2009, when the Peruvian government declared a state of emergency in the regions of Loreto, Amazonas, Cusco, and Ucayali–where thousands of Indigenous Peoples were concentrating their efforts.

Once the state of emergency was declared, the number of confrontations with police and military began to climb. Nevertheless, the mobilization pressed on, with Indigenous Peoples carrying out daily protest actions across the country.

With the Indigenous Peoples showing no signs of backing down, on May 20, Peru’s Congress took a positive step forward by repealing one of four laws that sparked the mobilization: Legislative Decree 1090, a new forestry law that removed the protected status of some 45 million hectares of rainforest. Six days later, a second legislative decree, aimed at promoting private investment in irrigation projects, was declared unconstitutional.

 

While there was enormous relief over the removal of the two decrees, two others remained:

  • Legislative Decree 1064 removed a requirement that obliged companies to come to an agreement with indigenous communities over land compensation and land use before entering their lands (effectively giving mining, oil & gas, logging, and hydro companies free access to enter any Indigenous territory).
  • Legislative Decree 1089, meanwhile, gave unrestricted powers for land titling to COFOPRI, the government body that specializes in granting individual land titles.

With both decrees posing a significant threat to the security of Indigenous land rights, in addition to the fact that the government failed to carry out a process of consulting or seeking the consent of effected Indigenous Peoples–in violation of ILO Convention 169 and the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples–the mobilization pressed on.

After a few more weeks of protest, it looked as if a resolution was at hand. Several thousand Awajun and Wampis Peoples had set up a series of strategic blockades on Fernando Belaúnde Terry road in Bagua, Amazonas Region. Having so effectively seized the important road, the government sought to strike a deal with the Awajun and Wampis, ultimately convincing the Indigenous Peoples to begin taking down their blockades. Many of the Awajun and Wampis were long gone by the time June 5 rolled around.

In the early morning hours of June 5, the Peruvian military police made their move.

When the dust finally settled, 38 people were dead and more than 200 were injured.

Two weeks after the brutal confrontation, Peru’s Congress overwhelmingly voted to strike down both Legislative Decree 1064 and 1089.

Following Congress’ vote, Daysi Zapata, vice president of the Interethnic Association for Development of the Peruvian Jungle (AIDESEP), the organization that started the mobilization, officially called for an end to all protests, stating, “Today is an historic day, we are grateful that the will of indigenous peoples has been heard, and only hope that in future, governments meet and listen to the people, and not legislate the laws back in.”

Four years later, the decrees have remained off the books; the government taking judicial aim at many of the Indigenous Peoples who took part (or allegedly took part) in the mobilization. Since 2009, more 100 separate lawsuits have been filed involving at least 350 Indigenous men and women.

The upcoming lawsuit, known as the “Curva del Diablo”, will be the largest of them all. In fact, with 53 indigenous leaders facing anywhere between 35 years to life in prison, it is going to be the largest trial in Peru’s history.

AIDESEP President Alberto Pizango, who is among the 53 named defendants, recently commented in an internal AIDESEP interview:

There’s a “Before Bagua” and an “After Bagua”. A before in which the Peruvian State didn’t want to and didn’t know how to listen to the proposals of indigenous peoples. This exacerbated the situation until things came to what happened, which unfortunately took so many lives unnecessarily. I’d say an “After Bagua” because thanks to the Amazonian mobilizations I can say that today the indigenous agenda is not only inserted in the national level and within the State, but on the international level.

Pizango continues:

I’d just say to the indigenous peoples and my indigenous brothers who are being tried for these regrettable events that they should stay firm in continuing to lift up the voice of indigenous peoples. All we have done is comply with our role as being the official spokespeople and work to insert in the national public agenda the different claims as mandated to us by our peoples. I’d reiterate to my brothers that they should stay firm in the significance of indigenous peoples rights. We’re going to overcome these accusations, we should be conscious of the fact that we haven’t committed any crimes. Perhaps our only crime was to carry the voice of the people, which is what we’ll be judged for starting May 14th….

Colombian Poor Occupy Lands Slated for Military Base

wYdfu2J12th May 2014 FORTUL, COLOMBIA–Holding down an occupation for five months isn’t easy. Doing so in Colombia, even less so.

wYdfu2J12th May 2014 FORTUL, COLOMBIA–Holding down an occupation for five months isn’t easy. Doing so in Colombia, even less so. But members of the community of Héctor Alirio Martínez in the municipality of Fortul, near the border with Venezuela, have raised the stakes even higher: they’re occupying land owned by the Ministry of Defense. The 100 hectare terrain now spotted with wood and plastic homes was slated to become a large military base.

Locals say the land originally was purchased by Occidental Petroleum in order to build a large new base to coordinate protection of a new oil pipeline which passes less than a few hundred meters from the lot.

“This land belongs to the Ministry of Defense, it was purchased and sponsored by Oxy, so we as good people from Arauca said that the most viable thing is to take over this plan, and see if the Minister of Defense will give it to us over time, many people needed this land,” said Jhon Carlos Ariza Aguilar, the Vice-President of the community of over 2,000 families. They began the occupation on November 26, 2013.

I met with Jhon and other members of the community on a hot February afternoon, weeks after the community was supposed to have been removed by force. On January 20, the army entered the shack settlement with a tank, and an eviction was scheduled for February 4, but that date came and went with community members in an uneasy calm about what would take place next.

Fortul is a municipality in the Colombian foothills, between the mountains and the wide open plains, and not far from the Arauca River, which marks the border with Venezuela. This oil rich region is also deeply conflictual, on the road over, soldiers hung around a handful of tanks, and army presence is ubiquitous. ELN and FARC guerrillas also patrol the area and have carried out attacks on Caño Limon-Covenas pipeline which serves Occidental’s nearby Caño Limon field. Under the heavy afternoon sun, a group of men lounged under a handful of trees, and women relaxed under a shelter beside them. Identical palm shacks protected by green cloth roofs dotted the area.

As we spoke, a taxi cab arrived, with a mattress strapped to the top and furniture in the trunk, indicating another family permanently moving into the area. Ariza Aguilar indicated that about one in four members of the occupation was an internally displaced person, forced out of their homes because of the ongoing conflict.

“Oxy bought this land and they gave it to the Ministry of Defense” in 2010, said Jhonny Alexis Castro, the Fortul representative of the Joel Sierra Human Rights Foundation. Oxy did not respond to a request for comment.

The Oleoducto Bicentenario, a meter wide oil pipeline that will eventually travel 960km from Casanare department to the port of Coveñas, is three minutes from the occupation by road, on the back end of the community the underground pipeline is but a few hundred meters away. “That’s why they wanted a battalion here, but there is a school very close, having a battalion here would mean having a checkpoint right in front of the school,” said Castro.

Today, children from the settlement are already attending the school. “What matters is that the children go and study, it doesn’t matter if we have electricity or not, that [they study] is the important thing,” said Ariza Aguilar. He invited me to swim in a river nearby, which provides those living in the community with a place to gather water, wash clothing, and bathe.

The community of Héctor Alirio Martínez is the first permanent occupation of land owned by the Ministry of Defense in Colombia. The community takes its name from a local peasant activist who was pulled from a house at dawn and shot to death by soldiers along with two others on August 4, 2004. “The problem is that Arauca is considered a red zone in Colombia, and any leader who orients people, who even just teaches them how to go to city hall (to manage their paperwork), that’s enough to say they’re a guerrilla and hunt them until they kill them,” said Ariza Aguilar.

Community members know that taking part in the occupation is an extremely risky activity, but for many the need for housing and the ability to send their children to school outweighs the risk.

Protesters in East China Clash with Police Over Waste Incinerator Plan

Photo: Caixin10th May 2014  Protesters in eastern China clashed with police at a rally against plans to build a huge waste incinerator that residents fear will be harmful to their health and add to pollution.

Photo: Caixin10th May 2014  Protesters in eastern China clashed with police at a rally against plans to build a huge waste incinerator that residents fear will be harmful to their health and add to pollution.

Choking smog blankets many Chinese cities and the environmental degradation resulting from the country’s breakneck economic growth is angering its increasingly well-educated and affluent population.

Two of the protesters told Reuters that the demonstrations, which have lasted for more than two weeks, turned violent with hundreds of police descending onto the streets of Yuhang, close to the tourist city of Hangzhou.

“There have certainly been injuries,” one of the protesters, Wu Yunfeng, said by telephone. “The police have closed down the roads into Yuhang and locked the site down.”

 

Another protester, who declined to give her name, said several police cars had been overturned.

A police officer, reached by telephone, said the demonstration had already ended. He declined to provide further details.

Reuters was unable to reach the local government for comment.

On Friday, the official Hangzhou Daily newspaper defended the construction of the incinerator, saying the technology it would use was safe and up to standard.

Hangzhou, capital of prosperous Zhejiang province and best known in China as the site of a famous lake, has seen its lustre dimmed in recent years by a recurrent smog problem.

Pictures on China’s Twitter-like Weibo site showed police fighting with protesters and at least two protesters with blood streaming down their faces.

Another picture showed several hundred people surrounding a large group of police.

“We don’t want our children and grandchildren to get cancer. Give us back our beautiful home,” read one letter of protest carried on Weibo.

Reuters was not able to independently verify the pictures’ authenticity.

About 90,000 “mass incidents” – a euphemism for protests – occur each year in China, triggered by corruption, pollution, illegal land grabs and other grievances.

Late in March, hundreds of residents of the southern town of Maoming staged protests against plans to build a petrochemical plant there, for fear it would contribute to pollution.