Reclaim the Fields:Spring into Action Gathering!FoD

:Reclaim the Fields : Spring into Action Gathering! 16th-25th March:

:Reclaim the Fields : Spring into Action Gathering! 16th-25th March:
Yorkley Court is hosting the Reclaim the Fields 'Spring into Action' gathering, on Saturday the 16th of March- 25th! The Gathering aims to be a platform for sharing practical land-based skills, crafts and related knowledge. We intend to 'get on with it' whilst continually seeking to create a popular discourse/ debate on the issues of land access, the right to food autonomy/ sovereignty and the right to build and dwell within a low-impact home on the land.

Yorkley Court Community Farm is a growing grass-roots farm in the Forest of Dean, interested in developing resilient agro-ecological systems, that are both productive and ecologically regenerative.

The Seed Camp will start on the 8th of March, with a two day Permaculture course by Tomas Remiarz. The rest of the week will focus on setting up infrastructure and openly, inclusively organising the Gathering. Anyone interested and able to help get the Gathering off to a great start, should come along for this week, prior to the main Gathering! Lots of skill-sharing and fun will be had!

We are currently looking for people interested in doing talks, running workshops and skill-sharing during the main Gathering… everyone will have the opportunity to share their skills and knowledge at the gathering, but we can publicise the workshops/talks offered before the gathering! So let us know what you'd like to offer or to see, in the way of workshops/skillshares asap!

The weekends of the Gathering will be focused on talks, presentations, workshops and discussions. The week days between will be more focused on practical activities.

Please get hold of us, if you're planning to come to the Seed Camp, or are wanting to do talk, run a workshop, etc…

:Contact Details:

yorkleycourt@gmail.com

yorkleycourt.wordpress.com < our main, local community facing website!

rtfspring2013.wordpress.com  < the gatherings own website! programme still under-construction!

reclaimthefields.org.uk < our constellations website

:A bit about the Forest:

The Forest of Dean is a land betwix two rivers, a secret Wilderness in West Gloucestershire, right on the Welsh boarder.

The Forest of Dean has historically been the home of many radical land-rights struggles and was settled by 'the cabiners', people who built their homes "by right" instead of through state dependence. They were treated by the state with the same distain as 'squatters' are today, albeit with more direct violence and less PR spin.

As one Oxford prof. put it, after moving here recently, because…
"The Forest and it's people have a healthy disregard for the rule of law!"

Resistance is Fertile!

Reclaim the Fields!

"Reclaim the Fields is a constellation of people and collective projects willing to go back to the land and reassume the control over food production. "

 

Petition to Welsh Government asking them to make their MTAN2 recommendations mandatory in Welsh planning law.

 

 

Hi All.
I'm looking for support for a petition a small anti opencast group from Varteg, Pontypool has started to Welsh Gov asking them to make their MTAN2 recommendation for a 500m buffer zone around opencast mines mandatory in Welsh planning law. This action would sterilise 66% of the Welsh coalfield according to the Coal Authorities figures and would be a precedent to other governments to value the local populations who live around mineral extraction. 
Could I  ask you to help spread the petition through you networks?

 

********** URGENT ************
Here's the petition asking Welsh Government to make the MTAN2 500m buffer zone around opencast mines mandatory in planning law in Wales.
Please sign by clicking link below and share it anywhere and everywhere 
https://www.assemblywales.org/gethome/e-petitions/epetition-list-of-signatories.htm?pet_id=864&showfrm=0
Sign Petition | National Assembly for Wales
www.assemblywales.org
We call upon the National Assembly for Wales to urge the Welsh Government to make the MTAN Guidance Notes, notably those relating to a 500 metre buffer zone around open cast workings, mandatory in Welsh planning law.

 

Huila Community of Colombia Continues to Defend the Earth from Mega-Development. 28th Feb

The New Year in Huila started as 2012 finished, with the National Authority of Environmental Licenses’ (ANLA) refusal  to hold the energy company Enel-Endesa-Emgesa accountable for failing to comply with the environmental license for the Quimbo Hydroelectric Project.

The New Year in Huila started as 2012 finished, with the National Authority of Environmental Licenses’ (ANLA) refusal  to hold the energy company Enel-Endesa-Emgesa accountable for failing to comply with the environmental license for the Quimbo Hydroelectric Project.

The Comptroller’s Office has continually studied the information put forth by Association of Affected Peoples of the Quimbo Hydroelectric Project (Asoquimbo), and has backed the local communities’ demands that the environmental license be respected in regards to resettlement, compensations and environmental mitigation.  Meanwhile in Huila, local media have falsely reported that nothing is wrong in the region and have irresponsibly reduced their reporting to nothing more than public relations on behalf of the company’s image.

Nonetheless, throughout Huila, the resistance has not only manifested from the communities affected by the Quimbo Dam, but also from the communities in Gigante and Garzón affected by petroleum company Emerald Energy, as well as communities in southern and central Huila resisting the Master Advantage Plan of the Magdalena River which would hand over the country´s largest and most important river in concession to the state-owned company HydroChina. In addition to the invasion of extractive industries to Huila, the regions large amount of coffee growers have been impacted by the falling price in coffee which has progressively gotten worse since the signing of the US free trade agreement. As a result, Huila and all of Colombia’s coffee growers have also started pressuring the Colombian State that has resulted injuries in recent days as coffee growers have had clashes with the riot police (ESMAD).

In the coffee lands, fruit orchards, and vegetable fields maintained by the campesinos around the Miraflores Peak, members of the Inter-sectoral Association Garzón & Gigante (ASIEG), continue to fight to have the environmental license that would permit Emerald Energy, a subsidiary of the Chinese chemical company, Sinochem to drill for oil in the Paramo of Miraflores ecosystem. Currently AISEG along with the Regional Autonomous Corporation of the Upper Magdalena (CAM) along with CORPOAMAZONIA from the Department of Caqueta, are pushing the Office of National Natural Parks to declare the 122,000 HA of the Paramo de Miraflores Peak a National Natural park to help create a stronger legal mechanisms for protecting this area and effectively excluding it from any form of oil extraction.

The Magdalena River, born in south Huila, flows north some 1,528 kilometers to its delta in the Caribbean Sea. Its drainage basin is nearly a quarter of the country´s national territory and two-thirds of the nearly 46 million Colombians live in this region which produces about 86% of the country´s GDP.  This year, the Magdalena River will be handed over in concession to the company HydroChina whose plans for the river are to turn a living ecosystem that supports human and nonhuman communities into the country´s most important transportation corridor for cheap goods.

The plan will include dredging the river from Honda, Tolima all the way to its delta to allow large barges to enter that far up-river from the caribbean delta within Colombia. Honda will be connected via high-speed railways to the Pacific-coast port city of Buenaventura as a connection between eastern and western markets.  For the upper area of the Magdalena River Valley the concession involves a total of 11 medium to large hydroelectric dams to generate electricity for use elsewhere. Communities in southern Huila such as Oporapa, San Agustín, and San Jose de Isnos have all become active in the local resistance since the plans for the river were announced last year.

The Impacts are being felt

With sadness, members and allies of the Asoquimbo paid farewell to Sain Pedrazo, a farmer and day laborer from Veracruz, Gigante. Don Sain, known by all who knew him as a sweet, loving and noble man, was an elder and steadfast warrior of Asoquimbo. He joins at least seven other older adults from the affected population that have passed due to the physiological trauma that the place where they were born, grew up, raised their families and have lived in always, might possibly be erased. In his own words he said that he would pass before the Dam could be completed. “If everyone thinks like me, I am leaving before it is my time. I´d rather that no one mention that Quimbo to me, because God does not want it. Though based on what I feel, I am leaving here early. I will not wait for this disaster to happen. Me with my 72 years of birth and life here, I do feel it and it hurts me hard.”  Don Sain is greatly missed though his legacy of his fight and struggle for the love of our territory till the very end accompany those that continue to struggle for the liberation of Mother Earth in Huila.

On January 16, Moises Sanchez, a sharecropper on the Chagres Farm in Gigante, along with his family and cattle, was forcibly removed from his home by the ESMAD by order of the Gigante’s mayor Ivan Luna.  Brutalized during the process, this is another example of how laws are applied when they favor Emgesa-Endesa-Enel, though when it comes to the sanctions placed against the company and making sure they are adhered to, the necessary State institutions are nowhere to be found. To date there is still an open investigation by the Comptroller´s Office of the ANLA for the violations of social and environmental rights caused by the Quimbo Hydroelectric Project and damages totaling an amount over $175 billion (USD) that the company has yet to respond to and the Ministry of Environment has also been silent on.

In mid-February a massive die-off of Tilapia and Bass occurred in the floating aquaculture cages in the Betania Reservoir that belong to local elites. Over 300 tons of fish destined to export to foreign countries died due to anaerobic conditions in the reservoir found down river from the Quimbo construction site. A local aquaculture business owner who asked to remain anonymous accused the National Fishing and Aquaculture Authority (Aunap) of doing nothing. “The uncontrolled growth of aquaculture in Betania threatens the ecological balance as well as industrial aquaculture,” said the business owner.
In 2005, according to the Plan of Fish and Aquaculture Order, there were 1,686 cages, eight years later there are 7,000 cages. This overproduction along with pollution and higher sediment content in the water lowered the water quality and caused the water to lose Oxygen provoking the massive die off.

Regional Political Corruption and a Challenge

On January 9th, 2013 Cielo Gonzalez was finally removed from her position as governor of Huila and her former Secretary Julio César Triana, was appointed by President Santos as the new interim governor in early February. Prior to Triana, Luis Guillermo Vélez Cabrera was serving as interim governor when he visited the construction site of the Quimbo telling local media the “Quimbo must happen, but the right way.”  He also noted that while there had been progress, the company´s delay in the creation of the irrigation district Paicol-Tesalia was especially worrying. Since Triana has come into office as interim-governor, he has only mentioned that Vélez Cabrera would be the “point person” to continue working on the project.

On April 14 there will atypical elections held in Huila to pick the new governor. Asoquimbo is calling on the people of Huila to vote in blank and for the Defense of the Territory.  Currently all the candidates from the different parties support and helped create the Departmental Plan of Development 2012-2015 “Making Change,” which seeks to use extractive industries as part of President Santos “Mining-Energy Locomotive” as a major force in regional and national development. On the ballot, listed as a viable option is the “Program of Unity for Territorial Defense” that is registered with the National Civic Registry. The outlined platforms the make up the “Program of Unity for Territorial Defense” were created through open assemblies in the communities of Agrado, Garzón, Gigante, Hobo, La Plata, San josé de Isnos, Tarqui and San Agustín, Huila from February 9-17th that focus on protecting the local communities, economies and the environment.

The Constant Hypocrisy of the National Authority of Environmental Licenses

The lack of consistency of the Director of the ANLA, Luz Helena Sarmiento, has only made evident that her role is that of a puppet for transnational companies more than a true authority who absurdly has been delegated the responsibility of protecting the needs of the human and nonhuman communities in Colombia.  In late December yet another resolution was passed modifying the Quimbo´s Environmental License through Resolution 1142 attempting to help Enel-Endesa-Emgesa remain unaccountable to the demands placed on it by the comptroller´s Office. As a result, Comptroller Sandra Morelli has declared that the ANLA was deepening the country’s environmental crisis that it had already brought on by its faulty policies. This critique helped eliminate an eco-tourism hotel known as “Los Ciruelos” that was planned for the Tayrona National Park on the Caribbean Coast by the ANLA through Resolution 0024.

The critiques of Sarmiento´s hypocrisy is that the environmental impact of the Quimbo is much greater than that of Los Ciruelos taking into account the over 800 Ha of dry-tropical forest will be destroyed (the same ecosystem that Los Ciruelos would affect) and large portions of the Amazonian Protection Forest Reserve.  Since early February the ANLA has denied licenses for numerous companies including Drummond, CCX, Prodeco and Goldman Sachs, who all had plans for coal mining in the Department of Cesar. ANLA denied these solicitations citing these companies did not follow regulations. This incoherence that directly impacts communities is what is pushing so many to take more direct actions after more than four years of internationally recognized evidence of countless violations of the Quimbo´s environmental licenses even after the licensing has been changed no less than four times always in benefit of the company.

Huila, won’t take it no more

On February 25, a national strike was organized by coffee growers in Antioquia, Huila, Quindío, Risaralda and other coffee growing regions. Tens of thousands of campesinos throughout Huila blocked roads to pressure the government to take action in helping coffee growers as a result of the falling prices. In Garzón, clashes led to over 25 people being injured and curfews being called; meanwhile in Neiva and the roads connecting Huila with Caqueta and Putumayo, all transportation is paralyzed in the region as a result of the strikes. Asoquimbo and AISEG are in solidarity with the coffee growers strike and participate, as well as prepare for more upcoming mobilizations. Mercedes Ninco, a resident of La Jagua, explained “we are supporting the coffee growers and striking as well. The State´s policies that hurt them are also hurting us.”

What continues to be apparent is that the Quimbo and other extraction projects in Huila are only the tip of the iceberg.  Regionally and globally, the methods that governments are using to disguise corporate land grabs, resource extraction, environmental destruction and forced displacement as a minor part of “progress” and “development” has never been akin to the worldviews of most communities affected by these projects. In fact, the struggle of movements like Idle No More in Canada against the Tar Sands and other extraction projects on indigenous lands, the efforts in the US against the Keystone Pipeline, or the incalculable amount of communities standing up against mines, dams, pipelines, agro-industry throughout the world are the same fight.

Since the uprisings led by the Gaitana in the 1530s against Pedro de Añasco and the invading Spanish forces, the people of Huila have never been Idle.  While the Coffee Growers Strike is building strength and shows no sign of subsiding anytime soon, throughout Huila communities are gathering forces and preparing for the regional strike to be initiated on March 14, the International Day against Dams and For Rivers, Water and Life. The Communities affected by the Quimbo Dam and other extractive industries in Huila call for international direct actions in solidarity with the people of Huila with a simple message, “extractive industries out of the territory, repeal the free trade agreements and land reform now”. Just like last year when there were numerous international solidarity actions, the peoples of Huila are asking for all others in struggle for the Liberation of Mother Earth to “flood” Colombian Embassies, Consulates and the facilities of the companies Enel, Endesa, Emgesa, Emerald Energy and HydroChina.

Red Lake Pipeline Blockade. 28th feb

Enbridge Energy LP has been trespassing on Red Lake Nations Ceded lands in Minnesota by operating multiple pipelines without an easement. Nizhawendaamin Indaakiminaan, a group of grassroots Red Lake tribal members and allies, demand that the flow of oil through these pipelines be stopped.

Enbridge Energy LP has been trespassing on Red Lake Nations Ceded lands in Minnesota by operating multiple pipelines without an easement. Nizhawendaamin Indaakiminaan, a group of grassroots Red Lake tribal members and allies, demand that the flow of oil through these pipelines be stopped. Enbridge Energy LP purchased these oil pipelines from Lakehead Pipeline, who originally built these pipelines in 1949 on Red Lake land without obtaining the permission of the Red Lake sovereign nation. According to Marty Cobenais, pipeline organizer for Indigenous Environmental Network and a tribal member of Red Lake, “Enbridge Energy LP still does not have permission to have these pipelines” on an eight acre piece of Red Lake land just southeast of Leonard, Minnesota.

Today Nizhawendaamin Indaakiminaan have occupied the land directly over these pipelines on Red Lake land. They demand that these pipelines be shut down immediately. “The goal is to stand in solidarity not only with our first Nation brothers and sisters in Canada but also to protect our Mother Earth and all of our children and future generations on this earth,” says Tito Ybarra, a member of Nizhawendaamin Indaakiminaan and an enrolled member of the Red Lake band of Ojibwe.

It is expected if the occupation proceeds for three days, the flow of oil – which may include controversial tar sands bitumen extracted from Alberta, Canada – will have to be shut down. The 72-hour countdown has started around roughly 3PM Thursday.

Supporters have been invited onto the site by tribal members to support the blockade, and currently volunteer media from the new UneditedMedia collective, TC Indymedia & [informally] OccupyMN are on site. Internet access appears stable enough for @uneditedcamera to periodically livestream as the camp takes shape for the long haul, also aided by mild weather. Also @samRichards10 and Robert DesJarlait (@r_desjarlait) are providing updates. Desjarlait tweeted "This isn't a blockade, as some have reported. There is nothing to block. It is a non-confrontational protest." However, it does have potential consequences akin to that created by a blockade.

Additionally it appears that Enbridge recently scrubbed some content pertaining to controversial "Line 67" from their website. With the dangerous Transcanada Keystone XL pipeline intend for tar sands bitumen mired in political controversy, the prospects for  extending the capacity of Line 67, are relevant to the situation. (There are several public hearings in the region scheduled on Line 67 in coming weeks.)

// UPDATE 3/1/13 11:30AM : Marty Cobenais of the Indigenous Environmental Network issues statement on behalf of blockade protesters http://www.ustream.tv/uneditedcamera

Red Lake Pipeline Blockade Initiated in Northern Minnesota

28 February 2013

28 February 2013
Posted from Twin Cities Indymedia

#RLBlockade begins!

On the Red Lake sovereign nation land located in what is today known as northern Minnesota, an occupation has started at a location above the Enbridge-owned pipeline built without permission of the Red Lake Nation in 1949 (hashtag #RLblockade). Already a helicopter from Enbridge briefly landed next to the site (video), near the town of Leonard.

It is expected if the occupation proceeds for three days, the flow of oil – which may include controversial tar sands bitumen extracted from Alberta, Canada – will have to be shut down. The 72-hour countdown has started around roughly 3PM Thursday.

Supporters have been invited onto the site by tribal members to support the blockade, and currently volunteer media from the new UneditedMedia collective, TC Indymedia & [informally] OccupyMN are on site. Internet access appears stable enough for @uneditedcamera to periodically livestream as the camp takes shape for the long haul, also aided by mild weather. Also @samRichards10 and Robert DesJarlait (@r_desjarlait) are providing updates. Desjarlait tweeted “This isn’t a blockade, as some have reported. There is nothing to block. It is a non-confrontational protest.” However, it does have potential consequences akin to that created by a blockade.

Additionally it appears that Enbridge recently scrubbed some content pertaining to controversial “Line 67″ from their website. With the dangerous Transcanada Keystone XL pipeline intend for tar sands bitumen mired in political controversy, the prospects for  extending the capacity of Line 67, are relevant to the situation. (There are several public hearings in the region scheduled on Line 67 in coming weeks.)

Official press release:

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Contact: Deanna Lasley (218)-766-4500

Tito Ybarra (218)-209-6918

Marty Cobenais (218)-760-0284

Date: February 28th, 2013

RED LAKE PIPELINE BLOCKADE

Enbridge Energy LP has been trespassing on Red Lake Nations Ceded lands in Minnesota by operating multiple pipelines without an easement. Nizhawendaamin Indaakiminaan, a group of grassroots Red Lake tribal members and allies, demand that the flow of oil through these pipelines be stopped. Enbridge Energy LP purchased these oil pipelines from Lakehead Pipeline, who originally built these pipelines in 1949 on Red Lake land without obtaining the permission of the Red Lake sovereign nation. According to Marty Cobenais, pipeline organizer for Indigenous Environmental Network and a tribal member of Red Lake, “Enbridge Energy LP still does not have permission to have these pipelines” on an eight acre piece of Red Lake land just southeast of Leonard, Minnesota.

Today Nizhawendaamin Indaakiminaan have occupied the land directly over these pipelines on Red Lake land. They demand that these pipelines be shut down immediately. “The goal is to stand in solidarity not only with our first Nation brothers and sisters in Canada but also to protect our Mother Earth and all of our children and future generations on this earth,” says Tito Ybarra, a member of Nizhawendaamin Indaakiminaan and an enrolled member of the Red Lake band of Ojibwe.

#RLBlockade

TC Indymedia and Unedited Media members will continue to provide updates as they can. This post should also be updated as matters develop. Stay tuned!

Stop the Tennessee Pipeline. 26th Feb

Gifford Pinchot, the Pennsylvania tree-sitter that is blockading the route of the Tennessee Pipeline from logging, stays strong and gives us this update from the trees:

Gifford Pinchot, the Pennsylvania tree-sitter that is blockading the route of the Tennessee Pipeline from logging, stays strong and gives us this update from the trees:

“Right now there is a march going on across the Delaware River to stop the pipeline. I wish I could join but I’m afraid that those trees around me wouldn’t still be standing when I returned. It’s wet and rainy and there are no chain saws that I can hear, but I know they are running somewhere and so the fight must continue. Tennessee Gas may not care about these hills and this  community, the state and national government may not care, but we care and people who are being poisoned by the gas industry, forced to sell their homes and relocate or live next to the destruction wrought in the name of profits only the executives will see…”

Pinchot is still in the tree stand as tree crews cut toward him.  No tree crews have showed up on the Pike County side of the clearing project yet this morning, and activists are prepared to call OSHA (Occupational Safety and Health Administration) if loggers attempt to complete the steep slope above Cummins Hill Road.  …

These actions are part of a campaign opposing the Tennessee Pipeline in the Delaware River Basin. The direct action campaign is taking place after nearly two years of local political leaders and grassroots opposition in the courts, public comment, and protest. …

A Gang of Greek Activists Torch the Skouries Gold Mine – 24th Feb

Last Sunday, 50 masked people armed with Molotov cocktails stormed a gold mine in northern Greece. After torching bulldozers, trucks, and portacabins belonging to Canadian mining company El Dorado and its Greek subsidiary Hellenic Gold, the group used tree trunks to block police and firefighters from reaching the site. If all that destruction of machinery and reliance on the bountiful gifts of Mother Nature for protection sounds like the work of an incensed rattan basket of ecocampaigners, that’s because it was. In fact, it was just one of many recent moments of drama unfolding around the opening of a gold-mining site in Skouries, one of the oldest forests in Greece.

In 2003 Hellenic Gold, followed by El Dorado, obtained the rights to mine the $12 billions’ (£7.8 billions’) worth of gold and copper snoozing beneath the mountain area. The deal saw the Greek state receive just €11 millions’ (£9.5 millions’) worth of compensation for the mines, and, in addition to losing the government some money they could have probably done with, pissed off all the local residents. Besides a part of the ancient forest being uprooted, residents are also worried about the mine’s effect on tourism, agriculture, and fishing. They’re all pillars of the local economy, and they’re all at risk of being devastated by the pollution a mine tends to churn out.

Last October, in the largest protest yet against the proposed mine, riot police attacked demonstrators, broke the windows of parked cars, dragged old women to the ground, attacked a left-wing politician who was protesting outside the police department, and threw tear gas at the crowds, the canisters of which ended up burning down part of the forest. Unsurprisingly, these tactics did little to appease the demonstrators.

Since then, areas of the forest have been cordoned off with barbed wire, checkpoints are everywhere, and private security guards wearing full-face masks patrol the area harassing locals, demanding to see their identification. That last bit is illegal under Greek law, but minor issues like what’s legal and what’s not don’t seem to faze El Dorado. The company claims that the mines will create more than 1,000 new jobs, their investment billowing much needed oxygen into the gasping lungs of an ailing local and national economy.

The mine’s critics, however, claim that more jobs will be lost than gained due to the pollution and environmental destruction that comes from digging into a mountain and building a mine. And they may be right. Unfortunately for the Greco-Canadian gold panners, the numbers just don’t add up. From the potential $12 billion to be made, Greece only gets the $11 million it secured in 2003 and a mere ten percent of revenue tax. So, once the millions of tons of waste start to pile up and the local economy is devastated, Greece stands to lose far more than it will make.

Seeing as the Greek subsidiary company is owned by Giorgos Bobolas, Greece’s mini-Murdoch—a man who owns little chunks of pretty much every mainstream media company in the country—reporting on the story has been spotty at best. Bobolas’s political connections are what secured the involvement of police in such large numbers, and operations in the area over the last few months are on a scale that only tends to be bankrolled if the beneficiary holds the kind of political sway that Bobolas does.

What did get reported was that Greek Minister of Citizen Protection Nikos Dendias’s going to Skouries and demanding arrests after Sunday’s attack. This resulted in the detention of 33 local activists with little justification other than their politics. Among them was Lazaros Tsokas—a member of SYRIZA, a Greek left-wing party—who was labelled an “abettor” and arrested. Those detained accuse the police of taking DNA samples from them even though they were only charged with misdemeanours, which—again—is illegal under Greek law.

The police also attempted to detain the two people who run antigoldgreece, a blog that aims to expose Hellenic Gold’s corrupt dealings with local officials. The authorities have so far been unable to detect them, but one of the bloggers, Maria Kadoglou, told me:

“The accusations are unfounded. The atmosphere here is already polarized between those who believe that the mine will be good for the area and those of us who oppose it. We’re trying to use legal methods to stop the mining operations, but the local authorities take months to answer our petitions. When they do, the answers are irrelevant and laughable. In the meantime, the company has already set up camp and intimidates the locals with the draconian security methods it uses.”

Many foreign companies are leaving Greece, looking abroad for access to capital and more stable tax codes. But if you have the right insider connections, then tax exemptions and access to European funding schemes present an opportunity to get into Greece, exploit its shitty financial situation, and get out again significantly richer. While the news media feeds Greek families a jolly TV dinner of xenophobia, imminent financial meltdown, and dog-eat-dog party politics, the real crimes—the ones ripping everyone off—take place in the background, in places like Skouries.

Riot Police Attack Communities Protesting Oil Exploitation in Colombia

After two weeks of peaceful protesting against oil exploitation in Arauca, on February 12 that department’s social organizations began a strike announced a few days earlier as a response to the repeated broken promises by the national government and transnational companies.

After two weeks of peaceful protesting against oil exploitation in Arauca, on February 12 that department’s social organizations began a strike announced a few days earlier as a response to the repeated broken promises by the national government and transnational companies.

The last attempt at dialogue took place on Monday, February 11, between the Commission’s spokespeople (composed of a delegation of indigenous people, peasants, youth, women, workers and community members) and representatives of the Minister of the Interior, as well as oil companies that operate in the region, with the goal of establishing the conditions that would allow the fulfillment of those promises that they’ve been making since May 2012.

The repeated lack of follow-through by the government and businesses, and the delay in the negotiation process caused the fracture in the space for dialogue, followed by the use of state force: approximately 1,200 members of the Mobile Anti-Disturbance Squadron (the ESMAD in Spanish) arrived to violently evict the communities at the protest sites.

The first act occurred on the walkway San Isidro, over the de Tame road toward the Arauca capital, at the gate to the petroleum complex Caricare, which is used by the transnational company OXY, where ESMAD, the Police, and the Army assaulted the mobilized communities by setting fires to the surrounding pastures, discharging their weapons, destroying common buildings (a school), taking away the food supplies to the protestors,  and beating and retaining four people.

As a result of the violence, a pregnant indigenous woman who was passing through lost her baby because of the effects of the tear gas, and had to receive emergency attention at a medical center.

The police had kept local and national reporters from contacting CM&, RCN, and other local media that moved to Caricare; the national army set up a checkpoint in the sector of Lipa that prohibited the passage of reporters “for security reasons.”  It should be noted that in the Quimbo (Huila) events the police also restricted the presence of the media and acted out a series of violations of basic human rights and International Humanitarian Rights (DIH).

In the face of the this situation, the Human Rights Foundation Joel Sierra posted an Urgent Action which stated its concern for the detention of people, aggression and brutal violence exercised against the peasants and indigenous peoples, the infractions of the International Humanitarian Rights committed by the police to violate and destroy civil installations, and the removal of supplies for feeding those protesting. The Foundation also insisted that the Colombian State respect human rights and the International Humanitarian Rights norms.

In similar form, Urgent Action denounced a series of violations to the protestors’ rights by the police, whose members have dedicated themselves to constantly photograph those that participate in the protests, have retained, interrogated, and reported some of them, and have appeared in civilian clothing and armed in the middle of the night at the edges of the protest sites, among other cases.

In the rest of the protest sites, like the gate to the petroleum complex of Caño Limón in the municipality of Arauca, the town of Caricare in Arauquita, the bicentennial pipeline in Tamacay and el Tigre (Tame) and in Villamaga (Saravena) and the fire substation of Banadías (Saravena), the authorities have sent contingents from the army, the national police, and the ESMAD, because they fear the same will happen in those places that happened in Caricare.

It’s important to note that at this time people and vehicles cannot travel by land to get outside of the department of Arauca by the only two major roads (Casanare and Norte de Santander), and all commerce and activity is completely paralyzed in that region of the country.

Camp Ivy pops up!

20.2.13

ivyCombe Haven Defenders has just got word of a new independent camp that has appeared just off the public footpath between Glover’s Farm and Acton’s Farm.

20.2.13

ivyCombe Haven Defenders has just got word of a new independent camp that has appeared just off the public footpath between Glover’s Farm and Acton’s Farm.

Camp Ivy is not on the route of the road and this means it should be relatively secure from short-term eviction. It does, however, provide a good base for protestors very close to the action! At the moment contractors are trying to complete extensive hedgerow cutting along the route of the proposed road to beat the 1st March nesting season deadline. This coming weekend 22/23 Feb will be a focus for protest against the hedgerow destruction.

Folk coming to the camp are requested to be as self-sufficient as possible, bringing food and water, and, if staying overnight, tent and sleeping bag too. The Camp Ivy mobile is 07706 065623.

Camp Ivy takes shape in the trees!

To access the camp, take the public footpath from Glover’s farm, Sidley, and follow it along the track which goes under the disused railway and then bears right towards Acton’s Farm. The camp is located discreetly in woodland on your right, between the footpath and the dismantled railway. The OS map ref is TQ750097. There’s a map in the flyer below. For the more adventurous, access is also possible from the North on foot across the valley from Crowhurst.

Sidley is a 30 minute walk from Bexhill train station, or reachable by Stagecoach bus 98 (every 30 mins approx) from Hastings, St Leonards and Bexhill.ivyflyer1sm

 

Assassinations of environmental activists have doubled over last decade

Where is Sombath Somphone? With every day that passes, the fate of one of south-east Asia’s most high-profile environmental activists, who was snatched from the streets of Laos in December, becomes more worrisome.

Where is Sombath Somphone? With every day that passes, the fate of one of south-east Asia’s most high-profile environmental activists, who was snatched from the streets of Laos in December, becomes more worrisome.

His case has been raised by the State Department and countless NGOs around the world. But the authorities in Laos have offered no clue as to what happened after Sombath was stopped at a police checkpoint on a Saturday afternoon in the Lao capital of Vientiane as he returned home from his office. It looks increasingly like state kidnap — or worse, if recent evidence of the state-sponsored killings of environmental campaigners in other countries is anything to go by.

Personal danger is not what most environmentalists have in mind when they take up the cause of protecting nature and the people who rely on it in their daily lives. But from Laos to the Philippines to Brazil, the list of environmentalists who have paid for their activism with their lives is growing. It is a grim toll, especially in the last year.

One of the most grisly cases occurred last year in Rio de Janeiro on the final day of the Rio+20 Earth Summit. On the afternoon of June 22, delegates from throughout the world — me included — were preparing to leave for the airport as Almir Nogueira de Amorim and his friend João Luiz Telles Penetra were setting sail for a fishing trip in the city’s Guanabara Bay.

The two men, besides being fishermen, were leaders of AHOMAR, the local organization of seamen, which they had helped set up three years earlier to fight the construction of gas pipelines across the bay to a new refinery run by the Brazilian national oil company Petrobras. The pipelines, they said, would cause pollution, and the engineering works would destroy fisheries.

The issue they were raising — protecting the livelihoods of people who used natural resources — was at the heart of the Rio conference’s agenda for sustainable development. But someone in Rio saw it as a threat. Two days later, the bodies of the two men had been found. One was washed up on the shore, hands and feet bound by ropes. The other was found at sea, strangled and tied to the boat, which had several holes in the hull.

This was no isolated assassination. In the three years since AHOMAR was set up, two other campaigners had been murdered. To date nobody has been convicted of any of the offenses. The refinery is expected to open early next year.

The month before the two Brazilian fishermen were murdered, a civil servant on the other side of the world who was campaigning against a planned hydroelectric dam on the southern Filipino island of Mindanao was shot death. Margarito Cabal was returning home from visiting Kibawe, one of 21 villages scheduled to be flooded by the 300-megawatt Pulangi V hydroelectric project.

Cabal’s assailant escaped and remains unknown. No prosecution has followed, but attention has focused on government security forces. According to the World Organization Against Torture, an international network based in Switzerland that has taken up the case, Filipino soldiers had for several weeks been conducting military operations in and around Kibawe and had attacked peasant groups opposing the dam. If the soldiers did not do the deed, they certainly helped create an atmosphere in which environmentalists were seen as a target for violence.

Cabal is the thirteenth environmentalist killed in the Philippines in the past two years. Seven months earlier, a Catholic missionary was murdered after opposing local mining and hydro projects. “The situation is getting worse,” says Edwin Gariguez, the local head of Caritas, the Catholic aid charity.

And it’s getting worse in other nations as well. NGOs such as Human Rights Watch agree that 2012 was also a new low for human rights in Cambodia, with campaigners against illegal logging and land grabs targeted by state security personnel and by gangsters working for companies harvesting the nation’s natural resources.

One of those campaigners was Chut Wutty, a former soldier and one-time Cambodian activist with Global Witness, a UK-based NGO that highlights links between environmental exploitation and human rights abuses. When Global Witness was expelled from the country a few years ago, Wutty formed the Natural Resource Protection Group to help Cambodian villagers confront illegal loggers.

But last April, Wutty was shot dead, apparently by a group of military police that he encountered while taking local journalists to see illegal loggers in the west of the country. According to a government report, Wutty’s assailant was killed at the scene, allegedly by a forest ranger. A provincial court recently abandoned an investigation into Wutty’s murder and released the ranger. One of the journalists, who fled into the forest when the shooting started, says she does not believe the official version of what happened, and human rights groups have also said they find it implausible.

Criminality is at the heart of much of the destruction of the world’s forests. A recent report from the UN Environment Programme concluded that up to 90 percent of the world’s logging industry was in one way or another outside the law. In such circumstances, violence against those who try to protect the forests can become endemic.