Indigenous Hawaiian’s Take on Monsanto and GMOs 15th April

At 9 am on an over­cast morn­ing in par­adise, hun­dreds of pro­test­ers gath­ered in tra­di­tion­al Hawai­ian chant and prayer. Upon hear­ing the sound of the conch shell, known here as , the pro­test­ers fol­lowed a group of women towards Monsanto’s grounds.

A’ole GMO,” cried the moth­ers as they marched along­side Monsanto’s corn­fields, locat­ed only feet from their homes on Molokai, one of the small­est of Hawaii’s main islands. In a tiny, trop­i­cal cor­ner of the Pacif­ic that has ward­ed off tourism and devel­op­ment, Monsanto’s fields are one of only a few cor­po­rate enti­ties that sep­a­rates the bare ter­rain of the moun­tains and oceans.

This spir­it­ed march was the last of a series of protests on the five Hawai­ian islands that Mon­san­to and oth­er biotech com­pa­nies have turned into the world’s ground zero for chem­i­cal test­ing and food engi­neer­ing. Hawaii is cur­rent­ly at the epi­cen­ter of the debate over genet­i­cal­ly mod­i­fied organ­isms, gen­er­al­ly short­ened to GMOs. Because Hawaii is geo­graph­i­cal­ly iso­lat­ed from the broad­er pub­lic, it is an ide­al loca­tion for con­duct­ing chem­i­cal exper­i­ments. The island chain’s cli­mate and abun­dant nat­ur­al resources have lured five of the world’s largest biotech chem­i­cal cor­po­ra­tions: Mon­san­to, Syn­gen­ta, Dow Agro­Sciences, DuPont Pio­neer and BASF. In the past 20 years, these chem­i­cal com­pa­nies have per­formed over 5,000 open-field-test exper­i­ments of pes­ti­cide-resis­tant crops on an esti­mat­ed 40,000 to 60,000 acres of Hawai­ian land with­out any dis­clo­sure, mak­ing the place and its peo­ple a guinea pig for biotech engi­neer­ing.

The pres­ence of these cor­po­ra­tions has pro­pelled one of the largest move­ment mobi­liza­tions in Hawaii in decades. Sim­i­lar to the envi­ron­men­tal and land sov­er­eign­ty protests in Cana­da and the con­ti­nen­tal Unit­ed States, the move­ment is influ­enced by indige­nous cul­ture.

“All of the resources that our kapuna [elders] gave to us, we need to take care of now for the next gen­er­a­tion,” said Wal­ter Ritte, a Hawaii activist, speak­ing in part in the Hawai­ian indige­nous lan­guage.

“That is our kuleana [respon­si­bil­i­ty]. That is everybody’s kuleana.”

In Hawai­ian indige­nous cul­ture, the very idea of GMOs is effec­tive­ly sac­ri­le­gious.

“For Hawaii’s indige­nous peo­ples, the con­cepts under­ly­ing genet­ic manip­u­la­tion of life forms are offen­sive and con­trary to the cul­tur­al val­ues of alo­ha ‘āina [love for the land],” wrote Mililani B. Trask, a native Hawai­ian attor­ney.

Deadly practices

Mon­san­to has a long his­to­ry of mak­ing chem­i­cals that bring about dev­as­ta­tion. The com­pa­ny par­tic­i­pat­ed in the Man­hat­tan Project to help pro­duce the atom­ic bomb dur­ing World War II. It devel­oped the her­bi­cide “Agent Orange” used by U.S. mil­i­tary forces dur­ing the Viet­nam War, which caused an esti­mat­ed half-mil­lion birth defor­mi­ties. Most recent­ly, Mon­san­to has dri­ven thou­sands of farm­ers in India to take their own lives, often by drink­ing chem­i­cal insec­ti­cide, after the high cost of the company’s seeds forced them into unpayable debt.

The impacts of chem­i­cal test­ing and GMOs are imme­di­ate — and, in the long-term, could prove dead­ly. In Hawaii, Mon­san­to and oth­er biotech cor­po­ra­tions have sprayed over 70 dif­fer­ent chem­i­cals dur­ing field tests of genet­i­cal­ly engi­neered crops, more chem­i­cal test­ing than in any oth­er place in the world. Human stud­ies have not been con­duct­ed on GMO foods, but ani­mal exper­i­ments show that genet­i­cal­ly mod­i­fied foods lead to pre-can­cer­ous cell growth, infer­til­i­ty, and severe dam­age to the kid­neys, liv­er and large intestines. Addi­tion­al­ly, the health risks of chem­i­cal her­bi­cides sprayed onto GMO crops cause hor­mone dis­rup­tion, can­cer, neu­ro­log­i­cal dis­or­ders and birth defects. In Hawaii, some open-field test­ing sites are near homes and schools. Pre­ma­tu­ri­ty, adult on-set dia­betes and can­cer rates have sig­nif­i­cant­ly increased in Hawaii in the last ten years. Many res­i­dents fear chem­i­cal drift is poi­son­ing them.

Monsanto’s agri­cul­tur­al pro­ce­dures also enable the prac­tice of monocrop­ping, which con­tributes to envi­ron­men­tal degra­da­tion, espe­cial­ly on an island like Hawaii. Monocrop­ping is an agri­cul­tur­al prac­tice where one crop is repeat­ed­ly plant­ed in the same spot, a sys­tem that strips the soil of its nutri­ents and dri­ves farm­ers to use a her­bi­cide called Roundup, which is linked to infer­til­i­ty. Farm­ers are also forced to use pes­ti­cides and fer­til­iz­ers that cause cli­mate change and reef dam­age, and that decrease the bio­di­ver­si­ty of Hawaii.

Food sovereignty as resistance

At the first of the series of march­es against GMOs, orga­niz­ers plant­ed coconut trees in Halei­wa, a com­mu­ni­ty on the north shore of Oahu Island. In the move­ment, protest­ing and act­ing as care­tak­ers of the land are no longer viewed as sep­a­rate actions, par­tic­u­lar­ly in a region where Mon­san­to is leas­ing more than 1,000 acres of prime agri­cul­tur­al soil.

Dur­ing the march, peo­ple chant­ed and held signs declar­ing, “Alo­ha ‘āina: De-occu­py Hawaii.”

The phrase Alo­ha ‘āina is reg­u­lar­ly seen and heard at anti-GMO protests. Today the words are defined as “love of the land,” but the phrase has also sig­ni­fied “love for the coun­try.” His­tor­i­cal­ly, it was com­mon­ly used by indi­vid­u­als and groups fight­ing for the restora­tion of the inde­pen­dent Hawai­ian nation, and it is now fre­quent­ly deployed at anti-GMO protests when peo­ple speak of Hawai­ian sov­er­eign­ty and inde­pen­dence.

After the protest, marchers gath­ered in Halei­wa Beach Park, where they per­formed speech­es, music, spo­ken-word poet­ry and dance while shar­ing free local­ly grown food. The strat­e­gy of con­nect­ing with the land was also a fea­ture of the sub­se­quent protest on the Big Island, where peo­ple plant­ed taro before the march, and also at the state capi­tol ral­ly, where hun­dreds par­tic­i­pat­ed in the tra­di­tion­al process of pound­ing taro to make poi, a Poly­ne­sian sta­ple food.

The import econ­o­my is a new real­i­ty for Hawaii, one direct­ly tied to the impo­si­tion of mod­ern food prac­tices on the island. Ancient Hawaii oper­at­ed with­in the Ahupua’a sys­tem, a com­mu­nal mod­el of dis­trib­ut­ing land and work, which allowed the islands to be entire­ly self-suf­fi­cient.

“Pri­vate land own­er­ship was unknown, and pub­lic, com­mon use of the ahupua’a resources demand­ed that bound­aries be drawn to include suf­fi­cient land for res­i­dence and cul­ti­va­tion, fresh­wa­ter sources, shore­line and open ocean access,” explained Car­ol Sil­va, an his­to­ri­an and Hawai­ian lan­guage pro­fes­sor.

Inspired by the Ahupua’a mod­el, the food sov­er­eign­ty move­ment is build­ing an organ­ic local sys­tem that fos­ters the con­nec­tions between com­mu­ni­ties and their food — a way of resist­ing GMOs while simul­ta­ne­ous­ly cre­at­ing alter­na­tives.

Colonial history

The decline of the Ahupua’a sys­tem didn’t only set Hawaii on the path away from food sov­er­eign­ty; it also destroyed the polit­i­cal inde­pen­dence of the now‑U.S. state. And indeed, when pro­test­ers chant “Alo­ha ‘āina” at anti-GMO march­es, they are allud­ing to the fact that this fight isn’t only over com­pet­ing visions of land use and food cre­ation. It’s also a bat­tle for the islands’ polit­i­cal sov­er­eign­ty.

His­tor­i­cal­ly, for­eign cor­po­rate inter­ests have repeat­ed­ly tak­en con­trol of Hawaii — and have exploit­ed and mis­treat­ed the land and its peo­ple in the process.

“It’s a sys­temic prob­lem and the GMO issue just hap­pens to be at the fore­front of pub­lic debate at the moment,” said Keoni Lee of ‘Ōiwi TV. “‘Āina” [land] equals that which pro­vides. Pro­vides for who?”

The pres­ence of Mon­san­to and the oth­er chem­i­cal cor­po­ra­tions is eeri­ly rem­i­nis­cent of the busi­ness inter­ests that led to the over­throw of the Hawai­ian King­dom. Through­out the 19th cen­tu­ry, the Hawai­ian King­dom was rec­og­nized as an inde­pen­dent nation. That real­i­ty changed in 1893, when a group of Amer­i­can busi­ness­men and sug­ar planters orches­trat­ed a U.S. Marine’s armed coup d’etat of the Hawai­ian King­dom gov­ern­ment.

Five years lat­er, the U.S. appre­hend­ed the islands for strate­gic mil­i­tary use dur­ing the Span­ish-Amer­i­can War despite local resis­tance. Even then-Pres­i­dent Grover Cleve­land called the over­throw a “sub­stan­tial wrong” and vowed to restore the Hawai­ian king­dom. But the eco­nom­ic inter­ests over­pow­ered the polit­i­cal will, and Hawaii remained a U.S. colony for the fol­low­ing 60 years.

The annex­a­tion of Hawaii prof­it­ed five sug­ar­cane-man­u­fac­tur­ing com­pa­nies com­mon­ly referred to as the Big Five: Alexan­der & Bald­win, Amfac (Amer­i­can Fac­tors), Cas­tle & Cooke, C. Brew­er, and Theo H. Davies. Most of the founders of these com­pa­nies were mis­sion­ar­ies who were active­ly involved in lob­by­ing for the annex­a­tion of the Hawai­ian islands in 1898. After the takeover, the Big Five manip­u­lat­ed great polit­i­cal pow­er and influ­ence in what was then con­sid­ered the “Ter­ri­to­ry of Hawaii,” gain­ing unpar­al­leled con­trol of bank­ing, ship­ping and import­ing on the island chain. The com­pa­nies only spon­sored white repub­li­cans in gov­ern­ment, cre­at­ing an oli­garchy that threat­ened the labor force if it vot­ed against their inter­ests. The com­pa­nies’ envi­ron­men­tal prac­tices, mean­while, caused air and water pol­lu­tion and altered the bio­di­ver­si­ty of the land.

The cur­rent pres­ence of the five-biotech chem­i­cal cor­po­ra­tions in Hawaii mir­rors the polit­i­cal and eco­nom­ic colo­nial­ism of the Big Five in the ear­ly 20th cen­tu­ry — par­tic­u­lar­ly because Mon­san­to has become the largest employ­er on Molokai.

“There is no dif­fer­ence between the “Big Five” that actu­al­ly ruled Hawaii in the past,” said Wal­ter Ritte. “Now it’s anoth­er “Big Five,” and they’re all chem­i­cal com­pa­nies. So it’s almost like this is the same thing. It’s like déjàvu.”

Rising up

At the open­ing of this year’s leg­isla­tive ses­sion on Jan­u­ary 16, hun­dreds of farm­ers, stu­dents and res­i­dents marched to the state capi­tol for a ral­ly titled “Idle No More: We the Peo­ple.” There, agri­cul­tur­al spe­cial­ist and food sov­er­eign­ty activist Van­dana Shi­va, who trav­eled from India to Hawaii for the event, addressed the crowd.

“I see Hawaii not as a place where I come and peo­ple say, ‘Mon­san­to is the biggest employ­er,’ but peo­ple say, ‘this land, its bio­di­ver­si­ty, our cul­tur­al her­itage is our biggest employ­er,’” she said.

As she allud­ed to, a major obsta­cle fac­ing the anti-GMO move­ment is the per­cep­tion that the chem­i­cal cor­po­ra­tions pro­vide jobs that oth­er­wise might not exist — an eco­nom­ic specter that the sug­ar­cane com­pa­nies also wield­ed to their advan­tage. Anti-GMO orga­niz­ers are aware of how entrenched this pow­er is.

Thousands Protest in Greece against Canadian goldmine project 15th April

Thou­sands of Greek pro­test­ers on Sat­ur­day ral­lied against a Cana­di­an gold min­ing project under way in the north­east­ern region of Halkidi­ki, which locals say will cause irre­versible dam­age to the envi­ron­ment.

Thou­sands of Greek pro­test­ers on Sat­ur­day ral­lied against a Cana­di­an gold min­ing project under way in the north­east­ern region of Halkidi­ki, which locals say will cause irre­versible dam­age to the envi­ron­ment.

About 2,000 peo­ple took part in the march in Athens and anoth­er 1,500 in Greece’s sec­ond-largest city Thes­sa­loni­ki, accord­ing to AFP jour­nal­ists.

Car­ry­ing ban­ners against the project run by Hel­lenic Gold, a sub­sidiary of Cana­di­an firm Eldo­ra­do Gold, the demon­stra­tors chant­ed: “We want forests, land and water, not a grave made out of gold.”

“Fields full of cyanide and arsenic, that is what remains from gold” was anoth­er slo­gan.

They also called for the release of two peo­ple who were arrest­ed ear­li­er this week in con­nec­tion with a sab­o­tage attack car­ried out on the min­ing work­site two months ago.

Cit­i­zens’ groups have been try­ing to halt the project since 2011, when the Greek gov­ern­ment gave Hel­lenic Gold per­mis­sion to dig in the region.

While the invest­ment is expect­ed to cre­ate hun­dreds of jobs in the reces­sion-hit coun­try — where the unem­ploy­ment rate has topped 27 per­cent — oppo­nents say it will drain and con­t­a­m­i­nate local water reserves and fill the air with haz­ardous chem­i­cals includ­ing lead, cad­mi­um, arsenic and mer­cury.

Fre­quent march­es have tak­en place in recent months, with pro­test­ers enjoy­ing the back­ing of main oppo­si­tion rad­i­cal left­ist par­ty Syriza, the sec­ond-largest in par­lia­ment.

In the Feb­ru­ary attack, dozens of hood­ed activists fire­bombed Hel­lenic Gold’s work­site, injur­ing a guard and dam­ag­ing equip­ment.

Ear­li­er this week, angry locals trashed the police sta­tion of the near­by Ieris­sos vil­lage over claims that offi­cers had used exces­sive force in the pre-dawn arrest of the pair sus­pect­ed to be linked to the sab­o­tage attack.

Pub­lic Order Min­is­ter Nikos Den­dias accused the local com­mu­ni­ty of Ieris­sos of want­i­ng “to impose its own law and oper­ate like a Gaul­ish vil­lage,” in a ref­er­ence to the Aster­ix com­ic books.

Despite the oppo­si­tion, the Cana­di­an firm announced ear­li­er this month that it intends to remain in Greece and cre­ate thou­sands of jobs over the next two years.

Halkidi­ki, a pic­turesque and forest­ed penin­su­la, is a pop­u­lar des­ti­na­tion for tourists, espe­cial­ly from Rus­sia and the neigh­bour­ing Balkan states.

Newmont May Abandon Minas Conga Plans, Forbes Predicts 14th April

Forbes has pub­lished an analy­sis spec­u­lat­ing that New­mont Min­ing Cor­po­ra­tion may be prepar­ing to cut its loss­es and aban­don its much-embat­tled plans for the Minas Con­ga gold mine in Yana­cocha, Peru:

Accord­ing to the company’s 2012 annu­al report, while it remains com­mit­ted to the $4.8 bil­lion project for the time being, con­tin­ued oppo­si­tion may force it to divert invest­ments else­where. This may be a sign that New­mont is look­ing for an exit strat­e­gy from the project.

The mine, which would be the largest gold mine in Peru, has suf­fered fierce oppo­si­tion from local indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties and from the region­al gov­ern­ment, in spite of its pro­mo­tion by the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment. Clash­es over the mine in 2011 led to the deaths of five pro­test­ers. And just a few days ago, 400 pro­test­ers stormed the mine site and set fire to con­struc­tion equip­ment.

That means any­thing to make Newmont’s investors more skit­tish about the Minas Con­ga project — such as protests or more bad pub­lic­i­ty — could help tip the scales. So con­tact New­mont and tell them to aban­don Minas Con­ga. Say no to destruc­tion of indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties and the mur­der of pro­test­ers!

Forbes also pre­dicts that the com­pa­ny could suf­fer severe finan­cial loss­es if forced to aban­don the project:

We believe that if the Con­ga project gets can­celled, it will have seri­ous ram­i­fi­ca­tions for New­mont. The com­pa­ny will find it extreme­ly dif­fi­cult to meet its annu­al pro­duc­tion tar­get of 7 mil­lion ounces by 2017, up from the present pro­duc­tion lev­els of 5 mil­lion ounces. The pro­duc­tion short­fall has obvi­ous impli­ca­tions for rev­enue as well.

In order to sal­vage its rev­enue growth and gold oper­at­ing mar­gins of $985 an ounce, the com­pa­ny would have to find anoth­er source of pro­duc­tion quick­ly. The com­pa­ny has acknowl­edged in its 2012 annu­al report that any inabil­i­ty to con­tin­ue to devel­op the Con­ga project could have an adverse impact on its growth if it is not able to replace the expect­ed pro­duc­tion.

New­mont point­ed out in the annu­al report that the region­al gov­ern­ment remains stri­dent­ly opposed to the via­bil­i­ty of the project in con­trast to the stand adopt­ed by the cen­tral gov­ern­ment. This it fears could make oper­at­ing dif­fi­cult. It could face more protests as well as new and tougher reg­u­la­tions and tax­es. If unable to con­tin­ue, the com­pa­ny will change pri­or­i­ties and real­lo­cate cap­i­tal to devel­op­ment alter­na­tives in Neva­da, Aus­tralia, Ghana and Indone­sia.

This may mean that New­mont will fight as hard as pos­si­ble to hold onto Minas Con­ga, although its skit­tish­ness sug­gests it may already be reach­ing its lim­it. In any case, if you live in one of the “alter­na­tive” areas list­ed above, get ready to fight New­mont on the ground at home.

Peguis First Nation to Block Berger Peat Mine Road

APRIL 14, 2013

APRIL 14, 2013

peguis first nationPEGUIS FIRST NATION, MANITOBA – Peguis First Nation, togeth­er with cot­tagers, prop­er­ty own­ers, and Fish­er Riv­er First Nation, are block­ing the road into Washow Penin­su­la Tues­day April 16, 2013. Berg­er Peat Moss Ltd ignored pro­vi­sions in its envi­ron­ment licences for a new peat mine, and is clear­ing forests and road build­ing. Their clear­ing and road build­ing should not hap­pen before the required plant study and inven­to­ry, includ­ing for med­i­c­i­nal plants.

Despite a mora­to­ri­um on new peat mines put in place June 2011 this peat mine was licensed in sum­mer 2011. Despite many months of for­mal appeals of the license, and com­mu­ni­ty con­sul­ta­tions by First Nations affect­ed by the mine pro­pos­al, new licences were issued at the end of Feb­ru­ary.

Berg­er Peat Moss may ignore or breach its licence fur­ther. The Washow Penin­su­la is a ‘kid­ney’ for Lake Win­nipeg, and pro­vides moose habi­tat, med­i­c­i­nal plants, and a range of tourism oppor­tu­ni­ties.

No noti­fi­ca­tion, or con­sul­ta­tion by the Man­i­to­ba gov­ern­ment with affect­ed First Nation occurred before the leas­es for the mine or the license for the mine.

The Washow Penin­su­la is sit­u­at­ed with­in the Treaty Land Enti­tle­ment notice area for Peguis First Nation, and is a shared tra­di­tion­al use area for both First Nations.

“We have tak­en every step with the Man­i­to­ba gov­ern­ment in good faith. This peat mine, and the oth­ers intend­ed for the Penin­su­la, are not right. Our First Nations, and our sup­port­ers know we need a real peat mine mora­to­ri­um in Man­i­to­ba. Berg­er talks one way and acts anoth­er way. It is time for some respect for our lands and waters from the com­pa­ny and the gov­ern­ment.”

Muskrat Falls Inuit Arrested Battling Churchill River Hydroelectric Project in Labrador 13th April

A 74-year old Inu­it elder has end­ed a hunger strike and been released from jail after being arrest­ed along with sev­en oth­ers protest­ing the con­tro­ver­sial Muskrat Falls hydro­elec­tric dam on the Churchill Riv­er in Labrador.

A 74-year old Inu­it elder has end­ed a hunger strike and been released from jail after being arrest­ed along with sev­en oth­ers protest­ing the con­tro­ver­sial Muskrat Falls hydro­elec­tric dam on the Churchill Riv­er in Labrador.

But anoth­er of the arrestees says the pro­test­ers, who have been fight­ing for decades to gain full nation­al recog­ni­tion as Inu­it descen­dants in Canada’s east­ern­most province, are undaunt­ed.

“We’ve been pushed around for gen­er­a­tions,” said Todd Rus­sell, pres­i­dent of the NunatuKavut Com­mu­ni­ty Coun­cil (for­mer­ly the Labrador Métis Asso­ci­a­tion), who was tak­en into cus­tody along with Elder James Learn­ing for block­ing roads to protest the con­tro­ver­sial Muskrat Falls hydro­elec­tric project. “We will defend our­selves in the court sys­tem, but we will con­tin­ue to assert our abo­rig­i­nal rights to our tra­di­tion­al ter­ri­to­ry, and we will con­tin­ue to mount protest after protest if that’s what it takes to have our views known and our rights respect­ed.”

At issue is the Muskrat Falls pow­er project, a $7.7‑billion plan to build a hydro­elec­tric pow­er sta­tion and a new dam on the Churchill Riv­er. The project would also see mas­sive trans­mis­sion lines installed to sup­ply pow­er to Nova Sco­tia and New­found­land.

 

Sev­er­al months after a judge issued an unusu­al per­ma­nent injunc­tion against dis­rup­tion of dam con­struc­tion, mem­bers of the com­mu­ni­ty blocked the Trans-Labrador High­way on April 5 in protest over what they see as being shut out of any nego­ti­at­ing process­es, the com­mu­ni­ty coun­cil said.

“It’s the area where we hunt, where we fish, where we have built homes, where our peo­ple have trapped,” said Rus­sell, a for­mer Lib­er­al Mem­ber of Par­lia­ment. “There are areas of a sacred, and very spe­cial, nature there. The gov­ern­ment will not rec­og­nize that there are over­lap­ping and con­flict­ing inter­ests with this hydro­elec­tric devel­op­ment.”

Dur­ing his arrest Rus­sell was dragged by mem­bers of the Roy­al Cana­di­an Mount­ed Police (RCMP) after he lay down along­side the oth­er pro­test­ers, all arrest­ed on obstruc­tion charges. Though sev­en were released on bail the same day, Learn­ing refused to sign a writ­ten promise to stay off the land on the grounds that doing so would extin­guish his abo­rig­i­nal title and rights to his people’s tra­di­tion­al ter­ri­to­ries.

Learning’s fam­i­ly released a state­ment express­ing con­cerns over his incar­cer­a­tion, not only because he has been on a hunger strike since his arrest on April 5 but also because the Inu­it elder has prostate can­cer that has spread to his bones. Learn­ing was impris­oned at Labrador Cor­rec­tion­al Cen­tre, in Goose Bay. He was released on April 9.

“It is trag­ic that our father has had to risk death through hunger to protest the destruc­tion of his home­land and cul­ture, of NCC ter­ri­to­ry and cul­ture,” said Learning’s daugh­ter, Car­ren Dujela, in a state­ment before his release. “How do you tell your chil­dren their grand­fa­ther is in jail and on a hunger strike? With tears in your eyes and pride in your heart!”

The com­mu­ni­ty coun­cil has been locked in a bat­tle for gov­ern­ment recog­ni­tion for years. Also known as Inu­it-Métis or Labrador Métis, the com­mu­ni­ty traces its lin­eage to Inu­it peo­ple liv­ing along the Atlantic coast in Labrador who signed a treaty with Euro­peans in 1765. When research revealed in 2006 that the Labrador Métis, though mixed blood, are direct descen­dants of the Inu­it, the Labrador Métis Asso­ci­a­tion renamed itself the NunatuKavut Com­mu­ni­ty Coun­cil, mean­ing “our ancient land.”

Now, the com­mu­ni­ty coun­cil wants the gov­ern­ment to enter talks over devel­op­ment on lands claimed as tra­di­tion­al ter­ri­to­ries. In Cana­da, though the courts have not grant­ed Indige­nous Peo­ples a veto over indus­tri­al projects, they have gen­er­al­ly upheld the right to be con­sult­ed and accom­mo­dat­ed. But the coun­try is a sig­na­to­ry to the Unit­ed Nations Dec­la­ra­tion on the Rights of Indige­nous Peo­ples, which guar­an­tees abo­rig­i­nal com­mu­ni­ties the right to “free, pri­or and informed con­sent” over devel­op­ment on their land.

“You can’t keep putting our peo­ple in jail, or keep arrest­ing our peo­ple, or forc­ing our peo­ple to go on hunger strikes to have our rights rec­og­nized,” Rus­sell added. “We know, and the gov­ern­ment knows, that all of these things end in nego­ti­a­tions. It’s about time the gov­ern­ment real­ized it’s bet­ter to do that now than put our peo­ple through these ter­ri­ble expe­ri­ences of being incar­cer­at­ed.”

Protests, Lawsuits and Arson: South American Mine Resistance 12th April

• Four hun­dred pro­test­ers stormed the planned site of the Minas Con­ga mine in Yana­cocha, Peru, and set fire to con­struc­tion equip­ment yes­ter­day. Minas Con­ga would be the biggest gold mine in Peru, and has been the tar­get of sus­tained protests from local indige­nous res­i­dents who say the mine would destroy their water sup­ply. In July, police killed five pro­test­ers in anti-mine clash­es; the deaths led to a pend­ing com­plaint to the Inter-Amer­i­can Human Rights Court.

• On April 3, 30 pro­test­ers crashed the open­ing of the Expom­i­nas trade fair in Quito, Ecuador, where the gov­ern­ment was seek­ing to coax new invest­ments in min­er­al and oil min­ing. Pro­test­ers crashed the inau­gur­al speech by singing a rewrit­ten ver­sion of the pop­u­lar hip-hop song “Lati­noaméri­ca” by Calle 13: “You can­not buy Intag, you can­not buy Mirador, you can’t buy Kim­sacocha, you can’t buy my Ecuador.”

Ecuador is home to a pow­er­ful (large­ly indige­nous) anti-mines move­ment. Left­ist Pres­i­dent Rafael Correa’s sup­port for big min­ing has been a major fac­tor cost­ing him sup­port from much of his for­mer base.

• A Chilean court has sus­pend­ed con­struc­tion of Bar­rick Gold’s long- embat­tled Pas­cua Lama mine, based on com­plaints from local indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties that the mine will destroy their water sup­ply. Unfor­tu­nate­ly, the injunc­tion does not affect con­struc­tion in the Argen­tinean por­tion of the project, includ­ing the process plant and tail­ings stor­age facil­i­ty.

Chile suspends Barrick Gold mine on indigenous fears of pollution 11th April

A Chilean court on Wednes­day sus­pend­ed Bar­rick Gold Corp.’s Pas­cua-Lama mine after indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties com­plained that the project is threat­en­ing their water sup­ply and pol­lut­ing glac­i­ers.

A Chilean court on Wednes­day sus­pend­ed Bar­rick Gold Corp.’s Pas­cua-Lama mine after indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties com­plained that the project is threat­en­ing their water sup­ply and pol­lut­ing glac­i­ers.

The appeals court in the north­ern city of Copi­apo charged the Toron­to-based gold min­er with “envi­ron­men­tal irreg­u­lar­i­ties” dur­ing con­struc­tion of the world’s high­est-alti­tude gold and sil­ver mine.

Inte­ri­or Min­is­ter Andres Chad­wick wel­comed the mine’s sus­pen­sion and said he hopes the world’s top gold min­ing com­pa­ny can now fix prob­lems at Pas­cua-Lama.

“We’re not sur­prised at all and we think it is good that through a legal organ­ism, con­struc­tion work is sus­pend­ed while Pas­cua effec­tive­ly attends to the charges already made by the envi­ron­men­tal reg­u­la­tor,” Chad­wick told local Radio Coop­er­a­ti­va.

Bar­rick (TSX:ABX) said Wednes­day it was still await­ing for­mal noti­fi­ca­tion of the injunc­tion halt­ing con­struc­tion on the Chilean side of the Pas­cua-Lama min­ing project and would assess the poten­tial impli­ca­tions when it came.

How­ev­er, it said con­struc­tion activ­i­ties in Argenti­na, where the major­i­ty of the project’s crit­i­cal infra­struc­ture is locat­ed, includ­ing the process plant and tail­ings stor­age facil­i­ty, are not affect­ed.

Mean­while, the start date for the mine strad­dling the Andean bor­der with Argenti­na has already been delayed by more than six months to the sec­ond half of 2014. Cost over­runs have seen the price tag rise from $3 bil­lion to more than $8 bil­lion.

The injunc­tion stems from a con­sti­tu­tion­al rights pro­tec­tion peti­tion filed with the court on Oct. 22 by a rep­re­sen­ta­tive of a Dia­gui­ta indige­nous com­mu­ni­ty and oth­er indi­vid­u­als against Barrick’s Chilean sub­sidiary and the region­al Envi­ron­men­tal Eval­u­a­tion Com­mis­sion.

That move fol­lowed a sim­i­lar peti­tion filed in late Sep­tem­ber by rep­re­sen­ta­tives of four Dia­gui­ta indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties against the Bar­rick sub­sidiary, Com­pa­nia Min­era Neva­da, with the EEC.

The plain­tiffs allege non-com­pli­ance with aspects of the project’s envi­ron­men­tal approval in Chile that have result­ed in neg­a­tive impacts on water sources and con­t­a­m­i­na­tion, or at least the risk of con­t­a­m­i­na­tion, of the Estre­cho and Huas­co rivers, accord­ing to infor­ma­tion sup­plied by Bar­rick.

Daniel McGowan Forbidden From Publishing Articles Without Permission April 10th

After more than sev­en years, the stack of dehu­man­iz­ing and seem­ing­ly uncon­sti­tu­tion­al inter­ac­tions between Daniel McGowan and the Amer­i­can prison sys­tem is now piled so high it is tee­ter­ing over into a recur­sive mess of bleak and Kafkaesque absur­di­ty.

After more than sev­en years, the stack of dehu­man­iz­ing and seem­ing­ly uncon­sti­tu­tion­al inter­ac­tions between Daniel McGowan and the Amer­i­can prison sys­tem is now piled so high it is tee­ter­ing over into a recur­sive mess of bleak and Kafkaesque absur­di­ty.

Last Mon­day, McGowan pub­lished a piece on the Huff­in­g­ton Post that laid out much of his sit­u­a­tion to date. After years in prison for his role in envi­ron­men­tal­ly moti­vat­ed prop­er­ty destruc­tion that was pros­e­cut­ed as acts of ter­ror­ism, he wrote, he was fin­ish­ing up the remain­ing months of his sen­tence in a halfway house in Brook­lyn.

The var­i­ous per­ver­sions of the case that sent McGowan away are well doc­u­ment­ed in the doc­u­men­tary If a Tree Falls: A Sto­ry of the Earth Lib­er­a­tion Front. But, as McGowan wrote, less pub­li­cized is what hap­pened to him a year into his prison term: Despite a flaw­less dis­ci­pli­nary record, McGowan was trans­ferred to an exper­i­men­tal new Com­mu­ni­ca­tions Man­age­ment Unit, a super­max-like extreme-iso­la­tion facil­i­ty some have dubbed a “Lit­tle Guan­tanamo.”

Why was McGowan trans­ferred to a CMU? He nev­er got a good answer to that ques­tion, even after a Free­dom of Infor­ma­tion Act request, so, along with oth­er CMU inmates, he filed a law­suit chal­leng­ing the con­sti­tu­tion­al­i­ty of the CMUs and alleg­ing that they are effec­tive­ly polit­i­cal pris­ons designed to silence the voic­es of peo­ple whose mes­sage the gov­ern­ment doesn’t like. As it turned out, McGowan was right: Bureau of Pris­ons mem­os dis­cov­ered through the law­suit appear to link his trans­fer to the CMU to the fact that he con­tin­ued to write things the gov­ern­ment found polit­i­cal­ly objec­tion­able.

“While incar­cer­at­ed and through social cor­re­spon­dence and arti­cles writ­ten for rad­i­cal pub­li­ca­tions, inmate McGowan has attempt­ed to unite the rad­i­cal envi­ron­men­tal and ani­mal lib­er­a­tion move­ments,” one memo states, before dilat­ing on oth­er polit­i­cal state­ments McGowan made in inter­views and his own writ­ing.

McGowan wrote about all of this in his Huff­in­g­ton Post piece last Mon­day. Two days lat­er, the staff at the halfway house to which he had been assigned told him that his work per­mit had been revoked on order of the Bureau of Pris­ons. The next morn­ing, fed­er­al mar­shals arrived and brought him to the Met­ro­pol­i­tan Deten­tion Cen­ter. Once there, he was pre­sent­ed with a doc­u­ment explain­ing that he had vio­lat­ed the terms of his release to the halfway house. Specif­i­cal­ly, the inci­dent report stat­ed that McGowan had vio­lat­ed a prison reg­u­la­tion that stat­ed “an inmate cur­rent­ly con­fined in an insti­tu­tion may not … act as a reporter or pub­lish under a byline.”

That’s right: McGowan was sent back to jail for writ­ing about how he’d been impris­oned in a CMU for writ­ing things.

There’s more: The reg­u­la­tion that the Bureau of Pris­ons cit­ed to jus­ti­fy return­ing him to jail had actu­al­ly been declared uncon­sti­tu­tion­al by a fed­er­al court in 2007, and the Bureau of Pris­ons had final­ly tak­en it off the books in 2010. McGowan’s lawyers men­tioned this to the bureau and to the lawyers rep­re­sent­ing the gov­ern­ment in his law­suit, and he was re-released to the halfway house on Fri­day.

But that’s not the end of it. Back at the halfway house, staff pre­sent­ed McGowan with a doc­u­ment and direct­ed him to sign it. The doc­u­ment stat­ed that “he is not per­mit­ted to have any con­tact with the media with­out approval from the BOP’s Res­i­den­tial Reen­try Man­ag­er. Accord­ing­ly, Res­i­dent McGowan was advised that writ­ing arti­cles, appear­ing in any type of tele­vi­sion or media out­lets, news reports and or doc­u­men­taries with­out pri­or BOP approval is strict­ly pro­hib­it­ed.”

It’s worth not­ing that McGowan hadn’t been asked to sign this doc­u­ment when he first arrived at the halfway house, nor, as far as his lawyers can tell, has any­one there been asked to sign it. In fact, there’s noth­ing in the Bureau of Prison’s pub­lished media pol­i­cy that requires pre-approval before pub­lish­ing any­thing.

“There is no nation­al pro­hi­bi­tion on pub­lish­ing,” Chris Burke, a spokesman for the Bureau of Pris­ons, con­firmed this after­noon.

“I thought I had lost my abil­i­ty to be sur­prised by what the Bureau of Pris­ons does years ago,” said Rachel Meeropol, a lawyer with the Cen­ter for Con­sti­tu­tion­al Rights who’s rep­re­sent­ing McGowan. “But restrict­ing an individual’s free­dom of speech in this man­ner is tru­ly sur­pris­ing. It’s beyond iron­ic that Daniel was retal­i­at­ed against and returned to prison for pub­lish­ing a blog about being retal­i­at­ed against for speak­ing out in prison.”

Here’s the inci­dent report explain­ing McGowan’s return to prison:

Daniel McGowan Inci­dent Report

Oklahoma Grandmother Locks Herself to KXL Heavy Machinery 9th April

ALLEN, OK – Tues­day, April 9, 2013, 9:00 AM – Okla­homa grand­moth­er Nan­cy Zorn, 79, from Warr Acres, has locked her­self to a piece of heavy machin­ery effec­tive­ly halt­ing con­struc­tion on TransCanada’s Key­stone

ALLEN, OK – Tues­day, April 9, 2013, 9:00 AM – Okla­homa grand­moth­er Nan­cy Zorn, 79, from Warr Acres, has locked her­self to a piece of heavy machin­ery effec­tive­ly halt­ing con­struc­tion on TransCanada’s Key­stone XL tox­ic tar sands pipeline. This action comes in the wake of the dis­as­trous tar sands pipeline spill in Mayflower Arkansas, where an esti­mat­ed 80,000 gal­lons of tar sands spilled into a res­i­den­tial neigh­bor­hood and local water­ways.

Using a bike-lock Zorn has attached her neck direct­ly to a mas­sive earth-mover, known as an exca­va­tor, which has brought con­struc­tion of Key­stone XL to a stop.  Zorn is the sec­ond Okla­homa grand­moth­er this year risk­ing arrest to stop con­struc­tion of the pipeline, and her protest is the third in a series of ongo­ing civ­il dis­obe­di­ence actions led by the Okla­homa-based coali­tion of orga­ni­za­tions, Great Plains Tar Sands Resis­tance.

“Right now our neigh­bors in Arkansas are feel­ing the tox­ic affect of tar sands on their com­mu­ni­ty. Will Okla­homa neigh­bor­hoods be next?” asked Zorn before tak­ing action today. “I can no longer sit by idly while tox­ic tar sands are pumped down from Cana­da and into our com­mu­ni­ties. It is time to rise up and defend our home. It is my hope that this one small action today will inspire many to pro­tect this land and our water.”

Exxon Mobil’s recent Pega­sus pipeline spill has forced local res­i­dents to evac­u­ate their homes due to life-threat­en­ing tox­ins released into their neigh­bor­hood. Local fam­i­lies have expe­ri­enced episodes of nau­sea, headaches, and res­pi­ra­to­ry prob­lems due to acute expo­sure to dead­ly chem­i­cals, like ben­zene, that are mixed in with the raw tar sands. Pega­sus was car­ry­ing up to 90,000 bar­rels of tar sands a day before it rup­tured and spilled.  The Key­stone XL pipeline is slat­ed to car­ry over 800,000 bar­rels a day; an alarm­ing 10 times the amount of tar sands.

“In the last two weeks alone there have been at least six dif­fer­ent inland oil spills across the coun­try,” said Eric Wheel­er, an Okla­homa native and spokesper­son for Great Plains Tar Sands Resis­tance. “It’s time to stop refer­ring to pipeline spills as acci­dents, it’s now abun­dant­ly clear that leaks are just part of busi­ness as usu­al. Tar sands hurt every­one they touch, from the indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties in Alber­ta whose water is being poi­soned, to the Gulf Coast com­mu­ni­ties that are forced to breathe tox­ic refin­ery emis­sions. We’re not going to allow this tox­ic stuff in our beau­ti­ful state.”

UPDATE 10:30AM: Nan­cy Zorn has been extract­ed by local law enforce­ment and tak­en into cus­tody. Please con­sid­er con­tribut­ing to Nancy’s bail fund

Sabotage at Powharnal OCCS

08/04/2013

At some point over the past week­end mul­ti­ple items of plant machin­ery at an exten­sion to the Powhar­nal open cast coal site in East Ayr­shire were put beyond work­ing use. High val­ue tar­gets includ­ing a prime mover and bull­doz­er were also tar­get­ed to cause max­i­mum dis­rup­tion to work­ings at the mine.

08/04/2013

At some point over the past week­end mul­ti­ple items of plant machin­ery at an exten­sion to the Powhar­nal open cast coal site in East Ayr­shire were put beyond work­ing use. High val­ue tar­gets includ­ing a prime mover and bull­doz­er were also tar­get­ed to cause max­i­mum dis­rup­tion to work­ings at the mine.

Scot­tish Coal is falling and not only do we intend to make sure that they go down — but that they stay down too.