More Photos from Open Rescue of Hundreds of Beagles from Experimental Lab in Brazil

brazil-beagle-lab-rescue-428th Octo­ber As report­ed a lit­tle over a week ago that 20

brazil-beagle-lab-rescue-428th Octo­ber As report­ed a lit­tle over a week ago that 200 bea­gles were lib­er­at­ed from a lab in Brazil. This action was unique in that the ani­mals were freed by dozens of activists who stormed the build­ing after a protest, and did not cov­er their faces to hide their iden­ti­ties.

Today, more pho­tos of the action were released by Will Pot­ter from Green is the New Red. The lab is call­ing this open res­cue an act of ter­ror­ism. Pot­ter asks, “Does this look like ter­ror­ism to you?”

 

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See the rest of the pho­tos and read Will Potter’s arti­cle here.

Malaysia: Sarawak Dam Protest Intensifies with Blockades, Confrontations

Baram_blockade_23.10.201326th Octo­ber Anti-dam pro­tes­tors, who on Wednes­day put up block­ades at two roads lead­ing to Sarawak’s next hydro­elec­tric dam near Long Lama in Baram, have warned sta

Baram_blockade_23.10.201326th Octo­ber Anti-dam pro­tes­tors, who on Wednes­day put up block­ades at two roads lead­ing to Sarawak’s next hydro­elec­tric dam near Long Lama in Baram, have warned state elec­tric­i­ty provider Sarawak Ener­gy Bhd (SEB) to remove its con­struc­tion machin­ery from near­by Long Naah with­in three days.

The pro­tes­tors claimed that the pro­posed site for the dam was on their native cus­tom­ary rights (NCR) land.

The machin­ery had been trans­port­ed to the area to pre­pare the con­struc­tion of a 1200 megawatt (MW) dam that would dis­place up to 20,000 indige­nous Kenyah, Kayan and Penans. The dam will also flood a rain­for­est area of 400sq km.

Envi­ron­men­tal group Save Rivers Net­work and pro­tes­tors con­front­ed a group of 30 work­ers who were con­duct­ing rock test­ing activ­i­ties at Long Naah.

The group said the work­ers were told to pack up and leave the native land imme­di­ate­ly.

“The work­ers tried to nego­ti­ate but were told in no uncer­tain terms that there was no need for fur­ther nego­ti­a­tions as the com­mu­ni­ties reject­ed the dam project.”

Save also said that a group of vil­lagers had set up camp at the pro­posed dam site to mon­i­tor the with­draw­al of the work­ers.

The lat­est block­ades added pres­sure on the gov­ern­ment ahead of a key UN meet­ing in Gene­va on Malaysia’s human rights record where UN mem­ber states urged Putra­jaya to respect the rights of the natives.

The UPR process pro­vides the oppor­tu­ni­ty for all UN mem­ber states to state what action they have tak­en to improve the human rights sit­u­a­tions in their coun­tries and to ful­fil their human rights oblig­a­tions. Yesterday’s ses­sion rep­re­sent­ed the sec­ond review of Malaysia, the first being in 2009.

Sarawak deputy state sec­re­tary Datuk Ose Murang was in the Malaysian del­e­ga­tion to Gene­va, Switzer­land.

Mean­while, SEB chief exec­u­tive offi­cer Datuk Torstein Dale Sjotveit, has said he would now like to hear from the “very vocal NGOs and action groups cur­rent­ly in Gene­va, and the organ­i­sa­tion that nom­i­nat­ed Sarawak Ener­gy for the Pub­lic Eye award”.

The NGO that nom­i­nat­ed SEB for the Pub­lic Eye award is the Swiss envi­ron­men­tal group, the Bruno Manser Fund (BMF).

The award hon­ours the most despi­ca­ble and shame­ful com­pa­ny of the year – com­pa­nies with a track record of human rights vio­la­tions, envi­ron­men­tal destruc­tion and exploita­tion of their work­ers or involve­ment in cor­rup­tion.

BMF said they nom­i­nat­ed SEB due to its gross dis­re­gard for the envi­ron­ment, the indige­nous peo­ple and mas­sive cor­rup­tion linked to the project.

The win­ner would be picked dur­ing the 2014 World Eco­nom­ic Forum (WEF) in Davos, Switzer­land in Jan­u­ary.

“We would love to hear from the NGOs on how they pro­pose the state deploy trans­for­ma­tion­al projects that can ele­vate all Sarawakians and lift per capi­ta income across the board if not through hydro­elec­tric projects,” Sjotveit said. – Octo­ber 25, 2013.

Remove Your Machinery Within Three Days, Baram Natives Warn Dam Builders

Baram_blockade_23.10.201325th Octo­ber Native com­mu­ni­ties from Malaysia’s remote Baram dis­trict on the island of Bor­neo have warned state-owned elec­tric­i­ty provider Sarawak Ener­gy t

Baram_blockade_23.10.201325th Octo­ber Native com­mu­ni­ties from Malaysia’s remote Baram dis­trict on the island of Bor­neo have warned state-owned elec­tric­i­ty provider Sarawak Ener­gy today to remove its con­struc­tion machin­ery from their lands with­in three days. The machin­ery had been trans­port­ed to the Baram region in order to pre­pare the con­struc­tion of a 1200 MW dam that would dis­place up to 20’000 natives and flood a rain­for­est area of 400 km².

Accord­ing to Sarawak’s Save Rivers net­work, a group of 30 work­ers had been found to con­duct rock test­ing activ­i­ties at the planned dam site at Long Naah. The work­ers were told to pack up and leave the native lands imme­di­ate­ly. “The work­ers tried to nego­ti­ate but were told in no uncer­tain terms that there was no need for fur­ther nego­ti­a­tions as the com­mu­ni­ties reject­ed the dam project.”

Sarawak Ener­gy was giv­en a three-day ulti­ma­tum to remove its machin­ery from the native lands. A group of vil­lagers set up a camp at the planned dam site to mon­i­tor the imple­men­ta­tion of their demands.

Vil­lagers uphold­ing a sec­ond road block­ade site near Long Lama today informed that their block­ade was suc­cess­ful and no new con­struc­tion equip­ment had been trans­port­ed into the inte­ri­or.

Fur­ther infor­ma­tion on the dam protest would be released by Radio Free Sarawak (www.radiofreesarawak.org) on SW 15420 KHZ between 7 pm and 8.30 pm local time.

The Bruno Manser Fund calls on the Malaysian gov­ern­ment and on Sarawak Ener­gy to halt all works on the planned Baram dam and to cre­ate full trans­paren­cy on the costs and con­tracts relat­ed to the con­struc­tion of the Murum dam.

Nigeria: Coordinated Mass Protests Shut Down ExxonMobil

pic824th Octo­ber The peo­ple of Eket fed­er­al con­stituen­cy in Akwa Ibom State yes­ter­day embarked on a mass protest shut­ting

pic824th Octo­ber The peo­ple of Eket fed­er­al con­stituen­cy in Akwa Ibom State yes­ter­day embarked on a mass protest shut­ting down the oper­a­tions of Mobil Pro­duc­ing Nige­ria Unlim­it­ed, a sub­sidiary of Exxon­Mo­bil in Ibeno and Eket, in the state

The mass protest was staged simul­ta­ne­ous­ly around Mobil facil­i­ties, the Airstrip in Eket, Mobil Ter­mi­nal in Ibeno and Mobil Hous­ing Estate in Eket.

The protest was in respect of the sum of N26.5 bil­lion oil spill fund report­ed­ly released by Exxon­Mo­bil through the state gov­ern­ment to the four oil pro­duc­ing local gov­ern­ment areas.

The pro­test­ers who chant­ed slo­gans with plac­ards and trum­pets, bar­ri­cad­ed the oil company’s  access gates, while a cof­fin with the inscrip­tion ‘RIP Mark Ward’ was kept at the gates of Mobil Ter­mi­nal in Ibeno, amidst oth­er ban­ners and plac­ards.

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At the Mobil airstrip in Eket, plan­tain suck­ers where plant­ed at the gates while the youths locked the gate with pad­lock in the full glare of a detach­ment of police­men who watched to pre­vent a degen­er­a­tion of the crises.

Also seen at one of the desert­ed gates of the Mobil Ter­mi­nal was a canoe, wrapped with tra­di­tion­al palm leaves and a white fowl, which the Ibeno pro­test­ers claimed found itself to the gate of the ter­mi­nal from the riv­er on its own, and dared author­i­ties of the oil firm to remove the canoe if they had the guts.

The com­mu­ni­ties lament­ed that Mobil was insen­si­tive to their plight, as evi­dent by its refusal to pay the com­pen­sa­tion for the 2012 oil spill inci­dent that result­ed in the dis­charge of more than 300 bar­rels of crude oil into the aquat­ic envi­ron­ment of the oil pro­duc­ing areas.

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Dur­ing the protest march, some promi­nent youth lead­ers under the aegis of Eket Fed­er­al Con­stituen­cy Van­guard led by Mr. Isa­iah Abia and Mr. William Mkpa, strong­ly scold­ed Exxon­Mo­bil for being insen­si­tive to their plight of its host com­mu­ni­ties.

Exxon­Mo­bil, they said, lacked employ­ment oppor­tu­ni­ties for the peo­ple of the com­mu­ni­ty, oper­ate on a deplorable con­di­tion of social infra­struc­ture in the host com­mu­ni­ties, as well as haz­ards result­ing from the exploita­tion by the oil firm.

They warned that fail­ure of Mobil to address the ugly trend would leave them with no option than to put final­i­ty on their oper­a­tion in their land.

The demon­stra­tors also called for the imme­di­ate rede­ploy­ment of the Man­ag­ing Direc­tor of Exxon­Mo­bil, Mr. Mark Ward, over his per­sis­tent snub of all the over­tures from the com­mu­ni­ties.

Address­ing the protest at the company’s ter­mi­nal in Ibeno, Mr. Isa­iah Abia said there was no going back in call­ing Mobil to order.

He said the protest march came at the expi­ra­tion of the sev­en-day ulti­ma­tum ear­li­er issued to the author­i­ties of the com­pa­ny last week.

Abia said the peo­ple of the areas where total­ly against the notion that Exxon­Mo­bil want­ed to use the oil spill com­pen­sa­tion fund to exe­cute projects in the com­mu­ni­ties, main­tain­ing that such a notion was an attes­ta­tion to the non­cha­lant atti­tude of Mobil.

Burma: Village Protests Shut Down Coal Mine

Coal-mine-300x19924th Octo­ber The Karen Nation­al Union (KNU) in South­ern Bur­ma has sus­pend­ed a coalmine from oper­at­ing in the Pawk­lo area, east of Dawei.

Coal-mine-300x19924th Octo­ber The Karen Nation­al Union (KNU) in South­ern Bur­ma has sus­pend­ed a coalmine from oper­at­ing in the Pawk­lo area, east of Dawei.

The KNU stopped the mine after lis­ten­ing to the demands local vil­lagers made to the polit­i­cal organ­i­sa­tions dis­trict lead­ers.

The KNU Mer­gui-Tavoy Dis­trict 16th Con­gress that fin­ished on the 19 Octo­ber decid­ed that the coal mine in Tha Nay Kler vil­lage area should stop oper­at­ing after KNU town­ship rep­re­sen­ta­tives pushed for its clo­sure.

P’doh Saw Beel­er, chair­man of KNU Mer­gui-Tavoy Dis­trict told Karen News.

“We con­sid­er the vil­lagers demands request­ing the sus­pen­sion of coal min­ing in the Paw Klo area. We will time to inves­ti­gate the issue and talk and lis­ten to local peo­ple about their con­cerns.”

The KNU per­mit grant­ed to a Thai com­pa­ny East Star has been sus­pend­ed, but sources claim the com­pa­ny still has a grant issued by the Myan­mar gov­ern­ment.

East Star is a joint ven­ture with May Flower, a Burmese owned com­pa­ny, that was grant­ed a 25-year con­ces­sion by the gov­ern­ment to mine for coal in the Paw Klo area.

Until the recent cease­fire between the Bur­ma Army and the KNU, the Paw Klo area was a con­flict zone – it is still under the con­trol of the KNU. The com­pa­ny received per­mis­sion from the KNU to mine in 2011. The KNU agree­ment states the com­pa­ny must renew its per­mit every year.

The KNU per­mit lim­its large-scale coal min­ing to a 60-acre area and states that the com­pa­ny is only allowed to mine out­side vil­lage areas to avoid dam­age to farm­land, water­ways and the envi­ron­ment.

Vil­lagers in the Paw Klo area protest­ed against the com­pa­ny and alleged that the min­ing has destroyed their land and has had adverse impacts on vil­lage water sources. Vil­lagers claim that they fear the pol­lut­ed drink­ing water could have a neg­a­tive impact on their future health.

Vil­lagers in Paw Klo, sub­mit­ted a let­ter of com­plaint on Sep­tem­ber 2 urg­ing the KNU to stop coal min­ing in Tha Nay Kler vil­lage.

The let­ter sub­mit­ted on Sep­tem­ber 2 to the KNU Mer­gui-Tavoy dis­trict office states that, “The East Star Com­pa­ny has failed to fol­low the agree­ment made between the KNU and vil­lagers that it [com­pa­ny] will pro­tect against dam­age of the envi­ron­ment and would not harm local lands and peo­ples’ liveli­hoods.”

A Growing Movement Against Plantations in West Papua

We, the indige­nous peo­ple of Yowied Vil­lage reject cor­po­ra­tions com­ing on to our land in Tubang Dis­trict for the fol­low­ing rea­sons:

There is not so much land around Yowied Vil­lage.

We, the indige­nous peo­ple of Yowied Vil­lage reject cor­po­ra­tions com­ing on to our land in Tubang Dis­trict for the fol­low­ing rea­sons:

There is not so much land around Yowied Vil­lage.

Our lives are depen­dent on what our envi­ron­ment can pro­vide.

Where will the future gen­er­a­tions go?”

The sign is tied with coconut leaves, a sig­nal that it is a ‘sasih’ mark­er, a tra­di­tion­al means to for­bid pas­sage. Sim­i­lar signs can be seen in almost all vil­lages in the area. They are backed up by an agree­ment between all vil­lages in the area that no-one should give up their land, under pain of death. It’s a des­per­ate first act of defi­ance to a mod­ern world they know has no place for them. A plan­ta­tions mega-project has been imposed on Mer­auke, West Papua, and 2.5 mil­lion hectares of for­est, grass­land and swamps – the ances­tral lands of the Malind peo­ple – are being tar­get­ed for oil palm, indus­tri­al tim­ber and sug­ar cane.

For now, the nat­ur­al ecosys­tem in remote Tubang Dis­trict is still in good con­di­tion, and the Malind Woyu Mak­lew peo­ple who live in the area can eas­i­ly find all they need from the for­est by hunt­ing, gath­er­ing and fish­ing. The for­mer chief of Yowied vil­lage has claimed that he could eas­i­ly live on only $2 a month, which he would use to buy tobac­co and betel nut – every­thing else could be got from the for­est.

Through­out Mer­auke Regency in the south­ern part of West Papua, a land con­tro­ver­sial­ly annexed by Indone­sia 50 years ago, indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties are hav­ing to learn fast how to resist cor­po­rate manip­u­la­tions. In 2009 ambi­tious local politi­cians pro­posed Mer­auke as Indonesia’s new cen­tre for indus­tri­alised agri­cul­tur­al growth. This was in the after­math of the 2008 glob­al food cri­sis, when gov­ern­ments world­wide got pre­oc­cu­pied about nation­al food secu­ri­ty, prompt­ing a wave of land-grab­bing glob­al­ly. The Mer­auke Inte­grat­ed Food and Ener­gy Estate (MIFEE), as it became known, was offi­cial­ly launched three years ago in August 2010. Around 50 pro­vi­sion­al per­mits have been issued to around 20 cor­po­rate groups, most­ly from Indone­sia or South Korea.

Starvation and rebellion as the companies move in.

They claimed that MIFEE would ‘Feed Indone­sia, then feed the world’. But in the end, it brought hunger. In Zane­gi, one of the first vil­lages to be caught up in MIFEE-relat­ed devel­op­ment, five chil­dren have died in the first half of 2013 from mal­nu­tri­tion and pre­ventable dis­eases thought to be linked to pol­lu­tion. Med­co, the com­pa­ny involved, is not even pro­duc­ing food. Its indus­tri­al forestry plan­ta­tion is cur­rent­ly turn­ing the Zane­gi people’s ances­tral for­est into wood chips. These are then loaded onto ships and export­ed to Korea by Medco’s joint ven­ture part­ner LG Inter­na­tion­al, to be burnt in pow­er sta­tions or turned into fibre­board.

Zane­gi too has had to learn to resist. Vil­lagers were tricked out of their land by Med­co, who gave them a ‘Cer­tifi­cate of Appre­ci­a­tion’ and US$33,400. The peo­ple had no idea that they were sign­ing away their for­est, their means of sub­sis­tence, their iden­ti­ty. Then the com­pa­ny start­ed tak­ing away the tim­ber, giv­ing peo­ple a frac­tion of the price the logs were worth and break­ing their promise to leave intact for­est around sago groves and sacred sites. Even­tu­al­ly the peo­ple decid­ed to block the company’s access. If they heard chain­saws then they would come run­ning, and in this way they suc­cess­ful­ly man­aged to keep the com­pa­ny from oper­at­ing on their land for over a year.

Despite their resis­tance, Zane­gi has suf­fered. The for­est is gone and the vil­lage is emp­ty nowa­days as peo­ple reg­u­lar­ly aban­don the vil­lage, stay­ing in tem­po­rary camps to try to hunt the few remain­ing for­est ani­mals. Oth­ers work for the com­pa­ny, but their dai­ly pay is only enough to buy a day’s food for a fam­i­ly. Swamps are poi­soned with pes­ti­cide residues from the tree nurs­eries, fish swim errat­i­cal­ly as if drunk and then die. Peo­ple do not have enough to eat, espe­cial­ly the women who always feed their hus­bands and chil­dren before them­selves. Tra­di­tion­al beliefs in this area mean that deaths are thought to be linked to black mag­ic. This has led to a con­flict which has left sev­er­al com­mu­ni­ty lead­ers impris­oned, accused of killing some­one who was believed to be a sor­cer­er. Three of the men have died in prison in the last year, deaths which are also put down to black mag­ic.

The sto­ry of Zane­gi vil­lage has become well known around the Mer­auke area: it is a warn­ing of what hap­pens when vil­lagers sell their land, and that prompts peo­ple in oth­er vil­lages to hold out against the com­pa­nies. Anoth­er com­pa­ny, Rajawali, is try­ing to set up a sug­ar cane plan­ta­tion near the coast. The com­pa­ny suc­cess­ful­ly bought up land belong­ing to Domande vil­lage, but oth­er vil­lages, Ong­gari and Kaiburze, have been res­olute in their refusal to sell. This is despite intense pres­sure from the Rajawali cor­po­ra­tion, which has also been accused of ille­gal­ly felling trees on Ong­gari village’s ter­ri­to­ry.

In Domande Vil­lage, in June 2013, local peo­ple angry about unpaid tim­ber com­pen­sa­tion set up a block­ade, and some days lat­er ordered Rajawali’s log­gers to leave the area. As in Zane­gi, they had already been tricked out of their land, but were still fight­ing to get fair com­pen­sa­tion for the trees at least. Pre­vi­ous­ly the vil­lagers had tak­en action after Rajawali cleared a bur­ial ground. Liv­ing in the plan­ta­tion zone means you must be on con­stant alert to com­pa­nies over­step­ping the line.

Fear and con­flict is only ever one step behind the com­pa­ny. Back in Yowied, com­pa­ny guards work­ing for PT May­o­ra, the com­pa­ny which is try­ing to gain access to plant sug­ar-cane, accused peo­ple of being sep­a­ratist rebels, fight­ing for West Papuan inde­pen­dence. See­ing that vil­lagers were prepar­ing to run to the for­est in fear, some com­mu­ni­ty lead­ers felt forced to sign a doc­u­ment PT May­o­ra were pre­sent­ing them. In near­by Woboyu, vil­lagers were scared a dead­ly con­flict would break out after rumours spread that peo­ple from anoth­er vil­lage were col­lab­o­rat­ing with PT Astra to sur­vey cus­tom­ary land bound­aries. Both com­pa­nies are plan­ning sug­ar-cane plan­ta­tions.

Local com­mu­ni­ty activists involved in the SSUMAWOMA forum record­ed video inter­views in these two vil­lages which they then took to Mer­auke city. After dis­cussing the issue one Sun­day after­noon, about 100 peo­ple decid­ed to take action, and the next day occu­pied PT Mayora’s office in the city, demand­ing that if com­pa­nies want to pro­pose new plan­ta­tions, they approach peo­ple in a rea­son­able way, and not just show up caus­ing chaos, divi­sions, intim­i­da­tion and con­fu­sion. The local regency leader agreed to meet with rep­re­sen­ta­tives after the action and agreed to order PT May­o­ra to tem­porar­i­ly leave the land, but it is known that the com­pa­ny is still look­ing for a new strat­e­gy to con­vince vil­lagers.

The SSUMAWOMA Forum is a group that has emerged in recent months, made up most­ly of uni­ver­si­ty grad­u­ates who have roots in the west­ern part of Mer­auke Regency. With the back­ing of the com­mu­ni­ties, they are artic­u­lat­ing their oppo­si­tion to all plan­ta­tion plans, at least as long as the peo­ple lack the skills or expe­ri­ence to get mean­ing­ful employ­ment with com­pa­nies, mean­ing they end up mar­gin­alised on their own land. They bring the voice of the vil­lagers to the pub­lic and gov­ern­ment, show­ing how the peo­ple have noth­ing to gain from plan­ta­tions and, at the same time, have so much to lose: their for­est, their liveli­hood, their cul­ture and their iden­ti­ty.

The Malind peo­ple are not just depen­dent on the for­est for their dai­ly needs. The for­est defines every aspect of who they are. In Malind cos­mol­o­gy mor­tal humans are the third gen­er­a­tion; the first two gen­er­a­tions of their ances­tors remain immor­tal in the envi­ron­ment around them, and the Earth is seen as moth­er. Each clan is inti­mate­ly con­nect­ed to their dema or totem – a part of the ecosys­tem: Gebze with coconut, Mahuze with sago, Basik-Basik with wild pigs, Samkakai with tree kan­ga­roos. It is incom­pre­hen­si­ble for Malind peo­ple that the for­est might be gone, if it is their cul­ture becomes no more than a sad sym­bol, their sense of being torn apart.

“The Malind Anim cul­ture is not just a dance, a rit­u­al or a carv­ing. It is not a mere rep­re­sen­ta­tion of a cul­ture, dec­o­rat­ed in mud, leaves and vines” (SSUMAWOMA forum)

When Oil Palm wears a Uniform

In the east­ern part of Mer­auke is the bor­der with Papua New Guinea. The area is mil­i­tarised, under the pre­text of pro­tect­ing the bor­der zone. For decades local peo­ple have had to live with con­stant intim­i­da­tion from the troops at dozens of out­posts strung along the bor­der. Here tra­di­tion­al soci­ety has faced even more chal­lenges; many women have been raped, and sub­sis­tence becomes more dif­fi­cult when mil­i­tary per­son­nel have hunt­ed many of the for­est ani­mals.

The mil­i­tary is a source of ter­ror and trau­ma in West Papua, hav­ing waged a war on its peo­ple over the last 50 years, pro­tect­ing its own inter­ests and Indonesia’s eco­nom­ic agen­da. Shoot­ing inci­dents are com­mon, inde­pen­dence move­ments are bru­tal­ly crushed, tor­ture, impris­on­ment and ran­dom beat­ings are every­day haz­ards. Racist atti­tudes towards black-skinned Papuans pre­vail. The cli­mate of fear and resent­ment has long been estab­lished through­out Papua. Even though Mer­auke has not been a zone of intense pro-inde­pen­dence activ­i­ty recent­ly, this is why liv­ing along­side the mil­i­tary still means con­stant ten­sion.

All MIFEE com­pa­nies use the mil­i­tary (or police mobile brigade) as secu­ri­ty, adding to the pres­sure on peo­ple to hand over their land, but in this east­ern strip, near the bor­der, the mil­i­tary pres­ence is felt more strong­ly. This area has been allo­cat­ed for oil palm, with at least four cor­po­rate groups want­i­ng to devel­op big plan­ta­tions. Unsur­pris­ing­ly, the com­pa­nies have found it eas­i­er to gain access in this area, and sev­er­al are now clear­ing the for­est. Nev­er­the­less, a few clans are still resist­ing, refus­ing to sell their land, and there have been block­ades here too.

The going rate for com­pen­sat­ing indige­nous peo­ple for the anni­hi­la­tion of their world works out at about US$30 per hectare. This amount is piti­ful if it is seen as a replace­ment for the many life­times which a for­est could sus­tain, espe­cial­ly once that amount is shared out between dif­fer­ent fam­i­lies. But at the moment when the cash is hand­ed over for a few thou­sands of hectares, for the com­mu­ni­ties, as peo­ple who are des­per­ate­ly poor in terms of the mon­ey econ­o­my, it seems a huge amount In sev­er­al cas­es, this cash han­dover has been the cause of con­flict between vil­lages, clans or indi­vid­u­als, wrench­ing the com­mu­ni­ty apart.

Far away in Jakar­ta, Indonesia’s nation­al devel­op­ment mas­ter plan still tells the offi­cial sto­ry: MIFEE is a well-planned and struc­tured devel­op­ment which will pro­vide food crops such as rice, corn, soy­beans and beef for the nation. It total­ly ignores real­i­ty, which is that the land is being gob­bled up by the same oil palm, sug­ar and forestry multi­na­tion­als that have dev­as­tat­ed many of Indonesia’s oth­er islands. And as invest­ment fever spreads, oil palm com­pa­nies are also lin­ing up to estab­lish or expand their plan­ta­tions else­where in West Papua.

Indige­nous resis­tance some­times seems des­per­ate – what chance do for­est peo­ple stand against multi­na­tion­als and the mil­i­tary? But com­pa­nies remain cau­tious about enter­ing West Papua, fear­ing local anger, and many ambi­tious invest­ment plans have failed here. Stand­ing up to these com­pa­nies costs the Malind so much, but real­ly it is their only chance to sur­vive as a peo­ple, and pro­tect their land.

—-

This is the first of three essays writ­ten to give an overview of the MIFEE project, three years after it was offi­cial­ly launched on August 11 2010. The sec­ond arti­cle is a more in-depth analy­sis of how plan­ta­tion com­pa­nies have affect­ed indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties over the last three years.

The third arti­cle is a much longer analy­sis of the mis­match between the orig­i­nal plan of a food estate to “feed Indone­sia, then feed the world” and the real­i­ty: vast oil palm, sug­ar cane and indus­tri­al forestry plan­ta­tions. It also exam­ines how this food estate myth has persisted,providing legit­i­ma­cy to a nation­al devel­op­ment plan which ignores com­mu­ni­ties, and to a pol­i­cy for West Papua which is pro­mot­ing devel­op­ment while doing noth­ing to address the under­ly­ing caus­es of West Papua’s prob­lems.

List of key companies involved in MIFEE:

  • Med­co (Indone­sian oil and gas com­pa­ny)
  • LG Inter­na­tion­al (Kore­an TNC, best known for its elec­tron­ic prod­ucts)
  • Rajawali (Indone­sian busi­ness con­glom­er­ate)
  • Dae­woo Inter­na­tion­al (Part of South Kore­an Posco TNC)
  • Korindo (Kore­an busi­ness con­glom­er­ate with diverse busi­ness­es in Indone­sia)
  • Wilmar Inter­na­tion­al (Asian plan­ta­tion and grain trad­ing giant, and biodiesel pro­duc­er, also owns the com­pa­ny which mar­kets CSR Sug­ar in Aus­tralia)
  • AMS Plan­ta­tions (The plan­ta­tion com­pa­ny belong­ing to the younger broth­er of Wilmar’s co-founder)
  • Astra Agro Lestari (Indone­sian plan­ta­tions com­pa­ny, ulti­mate­ly owned by British-reg­is­tered cor­po­ra­tion Jar­dine Math­e­son)
  • May­o­ra (Indone­sian food com­pa­ny)
  • Chi­na Gate Agri­cul­ture Devel­op­ment (lit­tle known com­pa­ny, also South Kore­an)
  • Moorim Paper (Kore­an paper com­pa­ny)
  • Cen­tral Cip­ta Mur­daya (Indone­sian con­glom­er­ate – boss is in prison for pay­ing bribes for plan­ta­tion per­mits else­where but busi­ness goes on regard­less)
  • Tex­ma­co (Indone­sian con­glom­er­ate focus­ing on forestry)

200 Beagles Liberated! Historic Night in Brazil

beagles119th Octo­ber “An anti-vivi­sec­tion protest out­side the Roy­al Insti­tute in the city of São Roque began with a few dozen peo­ple on Thurs­day, Octo­ber 17 and dur­ing the night grew to at least 100 peo­ple.

beagles119th Octo­ber “An anti-vivi­sec­tion protest out­side the Roy­al Insti­tute in the city of São Roque began with a few dozen peo­ple on Thurs­day, Octo­ber 17 and dur­ing the night grew to at least 100 peo­ple. At 2:00 ear­ly Fri­day morn­ing, activists stormed the com­plex and went straight for the ken­nels. As many as 200 dogs were res­cued.”

 

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Solidarity Protests and Blockades Ignite Across Turtle Island in Solidarity with Mi’kmaq

photo of yesterday's solidarity blockade at Esgenoopetitj18th Octo­ber

photo of yesterday's solidarity blockade at Esgenoopetitj18th Octo­ber

The RCMP retreat from the Mi’qmak block­ade has not stemmed the out­rage against the Cana­di­an government’s ruth­less attack yes­ter­day on the peace­ful Mi’qmak block­ade. As South­west­ern Ener­gy attempts to extend the injunc­tion against the Mi’qmak, sol­i­dar­i­ty protests are spread­ing through­out Tur­tle Island.

Numer­ous infra­struc­ture points through­out Cana­da were snarled by indige­nous block­ades in the imme­di­ate after­math of the state inva­sion of the Mi’qmak. At least 30 sol­i­dar­i­ty protests are also being under­tak­en accord­ing to Idle No More.

Accord­ing to San­ta Cruz Indige­nous Sol­i­dar­i­ty, by 3pm yes­ter­day six peace­ful high­way and bridge block­ades had been errect­ed at Roads in Burnt Church (NB), Tobique (NB), Esgenoopetitj (NB), Hamil­ton (ON) and Six Nations (ON).

The Lis­tuguj Mi’Gmaq built a tipi on the Van­Horne bridge, block­ing traf­fic on the Que­bec-New Brunswick bor­der.

In Win­nipeg, pro­tes­tors tied up traf­fic at the inter­sec­tion of Portage and Main, burn­ing a Cana­di­an flag to protest against the Crown’s his­toric betray­al of First Nations treaty rights. Police appeared to be clear­ing the way for the march, halt­ing traf­fic at numer­ous points.

In Mon­tre­al, mem­bers of the Mohawk nation gath­ered to show sol­i­dar­i­ty. Dur­ing the RCMP crack­down on the Mi’kmaq Block­ade, many observers com­pared the state’s repres­sive response to the 1990 Oka Cri­sis, which saw the Mohawk resist devel­op­ment on their lands for months.

New York, Wash­ing­ton, DC, and numer­ous oth­er cities across the US have also seen sol­i­dar­i­ty demon­stra­tions.

There is a call for sol­i­dar­i­ty for today and tomor­row, which hap­pens to be an inter­na­tion­al day of action against frack­ing (the #glob­al­frack­down http://www.globalfrackdown.org/). The day of sol­i­dar­i­ty will use the hash tag #INDIGENIZE, with orga­niz­ers send­ing report backs and media updates to Reclaim­TurtleIs­land [at] gmail [dot] com.

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Mi’kmaq Blockade Update: RCMP Has Withdrawn, Resistance Continues

946395_10153342098695417_350941597_n18th Octo­ber by Trash­fire / Earth First! News

946395_10153342098695417_350941597_n18th Octo­ber by Trash­fire / Earth First! News

After a day of clash­es yes­ter­day, the police with­drew around 7pm to cheers from the crowd.

40 peo­ple are report­ed arrest­ed and 5 police vehi­cles were burned.

No One Is Ille­gal reports these lists of sol­i­dar­i­ty actions – Google Docs

Pow­er­shift Cana­da

Yes­ter­day saw many emer­gency sol­i­dar­i­ty actions includ­ing a major through­way being shut­down in Win­nipeg.

Today is a day of action called for by the Mi’kmaq ear­li­er this week.

Tomor­row is anoth­er day of action against frack­ing orga­nized under the ban­ner Glob­al Frack­down.

 

There has also been a request that sup­port­ers call the pre­mier of New Brunswick to express con­cerns over the RCMP’s actions against the Mi’kmaq – .New Brunswick Pre­mier – David Alward
Email: premier@gnb.ca
Phone: (506) 453‑2144
Fax : (506) 453‑7407

Charges for those arrest­ed includ­ed firearms offences, utter­ing threats, intim­i­da­tion, mis­chief and for refus­ing to abide by a court injunc­tion.

The pro­test­ers arrest­ed were tak­en to three dif­fer­ent com­mu­ni­ties where they are expect­ed in court Fri­day morn­ing around 9:30 to face charges. Police spread the arrest­ed pro­test­ers out in an effort to pre­vent the cour­t­hous­es being over­whelmed by protest sup­port­ers dur­ing the arraign­ments.GAMW1AP

Chief Aaron Sock was among those arrest­ed in the clash. He and a few of his band coun­cil mem­bers were released a few hours after their arrests.

Sock is the leader of the band that has been blockad­ing Route 134 near Rex­ton since Sept. 30.

On Oct. 1, Sock issued an evic­tion notice to SWN Resources of Cana­da. His band and his band coun­cil planned to pass a res­o­lu­tion pre­vent­ing the gov­ern­ment and shale gas com­pa­nies from con­tin­u­ing their work by reclaim­ing all unoc­cu­pied reserve land and giv­ing it back to First Nations.ZNAmSQ1

The road between Rex­ton and High­way 11 has been the scene of the protest, involv­ing a coali­tion of natives and non-natives opposed to shale gas explo­ration.

Pro­test­ers moved into the area on Sept. 30, ini­tial­ly estab­lish­ing a bar­ri­cade to the stag­ing area used by SWN Resources Cana­da to park its explo­ration vehi­cles and equip­ment.

The protest pro­gressed to the point where bar­ri­cades were also estab­lished on the road, pre­vent­ing traf­fic from going through.

SWN Resources went to the Court of Queen’s Bench and suc­cess­ful­ly sought an injunc­tion to end the protest.

Dur­ing a hear­ing, court was told SWN Resources is los­ing $60,000 every day its seis­mic explo­ration trucks remain block­ad­ed in the com­pound off Route 134.

Let's watch that shit again #elsipogtog #mikmaqblockade ... on Twitpic

Video by the Stim­u­la­tor (click for video) and @stimulator on for up to the minute updates

 

Blockade Against Monsanto in Argentina Enters Second Month

1malvinas

1malvinas

18th Octo­ber from Rev­o­lu­tion News

Today is day 28th of the block­ade against Mon­san­to in Malv­inas, Argenti­na and around 50 pro­tes­tors camp­ing there have no inten­tions of going home any time soon. Cit­i­zens are mak­ing them­selves at home near the main entrance of the new Mon­san­to plant cur­rent­ly under con­struc­tion.

They are camp­ing out indef­i­nite­ly to protest the new GMO seed pro­cess­ing plant which is sched­uled to open for busi­ness in 2014. Rev­o­lu­tion News spoke with activist Celi­na Moli­na from Asam­blea Malv­inas Lucha por Vida who said sim­ply, “We do not want Mon­san­to to install the 2nd largest GMO seed pro­cess­ing plant of Latin Amer­i­ca in our city.”

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The plans for Monsanto’s new plant show future con­struc­tion of 240 silos for stor­age of chem­i­cal­ly treat­ed GMO corn. The silos have fans that are required to ven­ti­late the shafts. GMO corn in an enclosed area tends to rub togeth­er and pro­duce chem­i­cal dust which explodes with­out prop­er ven­ti­la­tion. Peo­ple there fear that when Mon­san­to switch­es on the fans the local town of Malv­inas will be engulfed in a cloud of chem­i­cal dust.

Mon­san­to has already done enough health dam­age to cit­i­zens of Argenti­na. They have wit­nessed the long term effects of expo­sure to Roundup for the past decade. Epi­demi­o­log­i­cal sur­veys were con­duct­ed 2001–2002 in areas heav­i­ly fumi­gat­ed with Mon­san­to Roundup her­bi­cide. Results of the sur­veys showed alarm­ing­ly high rates of birth defects and mal­for­ma­tions in chil­dren, can­cer clus­ters and mis­car­riage rates 100 times high­er than the nation­al aver­age. The onset of sky­rock­et­ing health issues in Argenti­na coin­cides direct­ly with the rise of soya cul­ti­va­tion and spray­ing of her­bi­cides near pop­u­lat­ed areas. Pro­fes­sor Andres Car­ras­co, Direc­tor of Mol­e­c­u­lar Embry­ol­o­gy at the Uni­ver­si­ty of Buenos Aires con­duct­ed lab­o­ra­to­ry stud­ies link­ing local health issues to Glyphosate, the active ingre­di­ent in Monsanto’s her­bi­cide Roundup.

Mon­san­to has a ter­ri­ble track record in Argenti­na and the cit­i­zens of Malv­inas are not going to allow fur­ther expan­sion for the agro­chem­i­cal giant with­out a fight. Videos of police repres­sion of peace­ful pro­tes­tors on Sep­tem­ber 30, 2013 cir­cu­lat­ed online. Sofia Gat­i­ca, spokes­woman for Madres de Ituzain­go Anexo was injured dur­ing the clash­es with police. Videos of the repres­sion have since cir­cu­lat­ed online and more peo­ple are arriv­ing at the con­struc­tion site every­day to join the block­ade.

Birth defects found in child born in barrio Ituzaingo Anexo.

Birth defects found in child born in bar­rio Ituzain­go Anexo.

Mon­san­to – Argenti­na

Time­line

1996 – Soya crops first intro­duced to Argenti­na along with Mon­san­to Roundup her­bi­cides

2001 – Res­i­dents of Ituzain­go Anexo start­ed notic­ing health irreg­u­lar­i­ties in their neigh­bor­hoods and began their own epi­demi­o­log­i­cal sur­veys

2002 – Results of sur­veys were alarm­ing: can­cer clus­ters, high rate of mal­for­ma­tions and birth defects, mis­car­riages 100 times high­er than the nation­al aver­age. Pro­fes­sor Andres Car­ras­co (Direc­tor of Mol­e­c­u­lar Embry­ol­o­gy U. of Buenos Aires) per­forms lab stud­ies link­ing health prob­lems with expo­sure to Glyphosate (the active ingre­di­ent in Mon­san­to Roundup). Local moth­ers formed activist group “Madres de Ituzain­go” and protests began.

Also in 2002, Argenti­na default­ed on it’s for­eign debt, coun­try was in a state of eco­nom­ic upheaval & riots ensued

2004 – First for­mal crim­i­nal com­plaint against local farmer & aero­fu­mi­ga­tion pilot, Par­ra, was filed for ille­gal pol­lu­tion

2008 – Com­plaint filed against Pan­cel­lo (anoth­er local farmer & aero­fu­mi­ga­tion pilot) for ille­gal pol­lu­tion

2011 – Com­plaints from 2004 & 2008 are com­bined and a tri­al date is sched­uled.

June 11, 2012 – Crim­i­nal tri­al against Par­ra & Pan­cel­lo began

June 15, 2012 – Pres­i­dent Cristi­na Fer­nán­dez de Kirch­n­er announced arrival of a new Mon­san­to plant to be built in Malv­inas, Argenti­na. It will be the largest Mon­san­to plant in Latin Amer­i­ca

July 2012 – Activist group “Asam­blea Malv­inas Lucha por Vida is formed”. Protests against new Mon­san­to plant con­struc­tion began.

August 22, 2012 – Land­mark ver­dict in crim­i­nal case against Par­ra and Pan­cel­lo – both farm­ers are found guilty of ille­gal pol­lu­tion and giv­en 3 year sus­pend­ed sen­tences. Both are giv­en com­mu­ni­ty ser­vice and banned from work­ing with agro­chem­i­cals for 10 years but nei­ther will serve jail time.

2012 – 2013 – Cit­i­zens begin to take legal action against Mon­san­to thanks to Par­ra & Pan­cel­lo case. No com­pen­sa­tion is offered to fam­i­lies of vic­tims affect­ed by con­t­a­m­i­na­tion. Protests against Mon­san­to con­tin­ue.

Sep­tem­ber 18, 2013 – Block­ade in front of new Mon­san­to plant entrance in Malv­inas begins.

Sep­tem­ber 30, 2013 – Videos of police repres­sion at Malv­inas cir­cu­late online, local well-known activist, Sofia Gat­i­ca is injured on cam­era by police.

Cur­rent – Block­ade ongo­ing

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