Category: Climate Chaos

In the late morning of June 4th, two air force planes descended upon the capital city of Brasília, carrying aboard an unusual group of passengers: over 140 indigenous people, mainly members of the Munduruku tribe from the Tapajós River – including leaders, warriors, women and children – along with a small number of representatives of Xingu tribes – Xikrin, Arara, Kayapó. For the indigenous delegation, the purpose of the trip, negotiated during the latest occupation of the Belo Monte Dam site, was to meet with Minister Gilberto Carvalho, General Secretary of the President’s Office, to discuss their demands for consultations and consent regarding a series of mega-dams on the Tapajós, Teles Pires and Xingu rivers, planned and, in some cases, under (illegal) construction.

Munduruku child

By Jamilye Salles

During a four-hour meeting held the same day, the Munduruku voiced their concerns and outrage over threats posed by the federal government's ambitious dam-building spree in the Xingu and Tapajós basins, authorized without any process of free, prior and informed consultations and consent, as mandated by the Brazilian Constitution and international agreements such as ILO Convention 169. At the end of the meeting, the main proposal put forward by Minister Carvalho was to organize another meeting in a Munduruku village after a period of 30 days. As Carvalho left the meeting, he stated unequivocally to a group of reporters that while open to dialogue with indigenous peoples, the "government is not going to give up on its projects.” Interestingly, the Minister was referring to proposed mega-dams such as São Luiz do Tapajós whose environmental impact and economic viability studies have yet to be finalized and approved.

“What the government wants, we do not want. They want to say that they will build dams on our land and then see what we want in return. And we do not want anything in return. We want our river free and our nature preserved" stated indigenous leader Valdenir Mundurukú."The Minister says he wants to consult with indigenous peoples, but that the government's decision to build the dams has already been made. What kind of consultation is that?"

Minister of the General Secretariat of the Presidency of Brazil, Gilberto Carvalho, speaks to Munduruku Indians during a meeting at the Planalto Palace

REUTERS/Ueslei Marcelino

Carvalho's advisors attempted to convince the indigenous delegation to return home to the state of Pará the following morning, arguing that this was part of the agreement around their trip to Brasília and that planes were awaiting them at a nearby air force base. Munduruku and Xingu leaders responded that there had been no such agreement, and they did not intend to return to their villages without concrete results from their time in Brasília.

The next morning, the Munduruku and Xingu representatives assembled in the Praça dos Três Poderes, adjacent to the Presidential Palace, Brazilian Congress and Supreme Court. There, they were greeted by leaders of the Terena people, who had traveled to Brasília to demand the demarcation of their lands and a full investigation into the killing of Osiel Gabriel, a Terena killed by the federal police in a land conflict involving ranchers in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul. As the Terena leaders departed for a meeting with the Minister of Justice, the Munduruku and Xingu representatives proceeded in the direction of the Presidential Palace with the goal of delivering a letter to President Dilma Rousseff that included a request for a meeting. However, a large security force assembled a barricade, physically preventing the indigenous people from reaching the entrance to the palace. The letter to Dilma was never delivered. The delegation then walked to the main entrance of the Brazilian Congress where they personally delivered a letter to Representative Padre Ton, chairman of a congressional caucus in support of indigenous peoples.

Munduruku child at demonstration in front of Presidential Palace

By Brent Millikan

Following the decision to extend their stay in Brasília, the indigenous delegation was informed by Minister Carvalho's staff that his office would not provide additional lodging, food or transportation in Brasília. As a result, the delegation moved to a compound on the outskirts of Brasília operated by CIMI, one of the progressive arms of the Catholic Church that supports indigenous peoples. After a few days, they needed to find another place to stay because the CIMI compound was already reserved for a large event. The new President of FUNAI (the government organization tasked with indigenous affairs), Maria Augusta Assirati, told CIMI and the indigenous delegation that her agency would resolve the problem. When a solution failed to materialize, the Munduruku and Xingu representatives decided to occupy FUNAI headquarters in the center of Brasília.

Munduruku protest outside the Ministry of Mines and Energy

By Brent Millikan

The Munduruku and their Xingu allies subsequently staged an impressive protest at the entrance of the Ministry of Mines and Energy – de-facto headquarters of the Brazilian dam industry – that included singing and dancing. The delegation formally requested meetings with Joaquim Barbosa and Felix Fischer, chief justices of the Federal Supreme Court (STF) and Superior Court of Justice (STJ), respectively, to discuss outstanding lawsuits regarding lack of prior consultations in the cases of Belo Monte and the Tapajos dams. Neither request was granted.

On June 12^th, Brazil's most well-known indigenous leader,Chief Raoni, traveled to Brasília to show solidarity with the Mundurukú, one of the main outcomes of a meeting just organized among the Kayapó of the Xingu Basin. In the past, the Kayapó and Mundurukú occasionally engaged in conflicts, which made Chief Raoni’s presence an even more historic event, uniting communites with a common goal of defending their territories and rights against destructive dam projects.

Munduruku warrior in front of Brazilian Congress

By Brent Millikan

Throughout their stay in Brasilia, the Munduruku and Xingu representatives insisted that the government honor the issue of consent: i.e. that the federal government should listen to indigenous peoples and respect their decision. This is precisely what the administrations of Lula and Dilma Rousseff have not done, blatantly flouting the Brazilian Constitution and international agreements regarding indigenous peoples' rights while intervening in federal courts to ensure the rule of law is not upheld.

Last Thursday, the Munduruku and representatives from the Xingu returned to the state of Pará after nine days in Brasilia, vowing to continue the struggle. "Our fight has just begun. We're returning to our communities where we will strengthen ourselves and create alliances with other indigenous peoples so that, together, we can fight this desrespect of the federal government for our culture, our beliefs and our rights” stated Valdenir Mundurukú, shortly before the group embarked on air force planes for the long voyage home.

21 June 2013, On Friday, May 24, Berta Caceres, the General Coordinator of the Indigenous Lenca organization COPINH, and Tomas Gomez of COPINH’s community radio station, were traveling on rural dirt roads to reach the Indigenous Lenca community of Rio Blanco when they were stopped by 15-20 soldiers. The whole area had been militarized just two weeks before in response to the area-wide mobilization against a hydroelectric dam being illegally built in the Indigenous Lenca community of Rio Blanco. The First Battalion of Engineers, commanded by an SOA graduate, occupied the area to protect the interests of the company and enable dam construction to continue in direct violation of ILO Convention 169 and the will of the communities in the area.

Despite the military’s presence, evictions, sabotage to COPINH’s vehicle, death threats against community leaders, and intimidation, the resistance to the dam continued to grow as the Rio Blanco community neared 2 months of blocking the dam entrance. When Berta and Tomas drove the winding dirt roads to Rio Blanco on May 24, as they had many times before in COPINH’s now well-recognized vehicle, the military was waiting for them. They were on an isolated dirt road, where anything that occurred would be the word of at least 15 soldiers against that of Berta and Tomas. The COPINH leaders were ordered to stop and get out of the car. The soldiers proceeded to search their vehicle in detail, even poking their fingers in the engine, and found nothing. However, that did not matter in their pre-planned operation to criminalize Berta and weaken the struggle against the Agua Zarca dam: they simply claimed to have found a gun and then called the police, who took Berta and Tomas to jail. Berta was arrested and kept in jail overnight, finally being conditionally released after dozens of international phone calls inquiring for her safety. But first, she was charged with “illegally carrying weapons,” a charge that can result in time in prison. Subsequently, she was also charged with attempting against the internal security of the state of Honduras.

Two-time SOA graduate Col. Milton Amaya, the Commander of the First Battalion of Engineers, made accusations about Berta Caceres to the press, resulting in several news articles that claim the well-known social movement leader was illegally armed. This is part of a broader strategy by the military and Honduran oligarchy to criminalize and defame social movements by painting them as armed or operating outside the law.

In the case of COPINH, the criminalization and defamation of Berta Caceres by the military was aimed at breaking the community’s resistance to the hydroelectric dam – thus enabling powerful multinational interests to profit from the Rio Blanco community’s carefully stewarded natural resources.  Confidential sources reported that the company felt that by “taking her (Berta) down, the others will break.” In a telling indication of the true motives behind Berta’s arrest, the Honduran daily newspaper El Tiempo reported that Col. Amaya “accused Caceres of rallying the Indigenous population of the area known as Rio Blanco… to reject the construction of the Agua Zarca hydroelectric dam.”

The powerful interests behind the project and their influence in the Honduran government was evident when the prosecutor against Berta was changed from the local office in Santa Barbara to the National Procuraduria General de la Republica, which requested that Berta be imprisoned while awaiting trial. However, what the powers at be didn't count on was the widespread support for Berta Caceres by Honduran social movements and international organizations. On June 13, outside the courthouse where a hearing against Berta held, representatives from over 40 organizations gathered to demand an end to the criminalization of Berta and COPINH. Nobel Peace Prize winner Adolfo Pérez Esquivel held a press conference in Argentina and organizations and individuals from across the Americas contacted the Honduran government and released statements calling for Berta's freedom.

On June 13, the hearing dragged on, with two recesses, the second postponing the resolution to the end of the day. However, those gathered outside the courthouse to demand Berta's freedom refused to leave. It was reported that representatives of the companies building the hydroelectric dam had gone drinking with the judge in the days prior to the hearing, but this time their efforts to sway the easily corruptible Honduran justice system were not enough. There was no evidence against Berta, numerous irregularities in her arrest, and the two soldiers who testified about supposedly finding a weapon contradicted each other several times in their testimony.

In the Honduran judicial system, lack of evidence isn't a problem when there is a political motive for a conviction, but this time it seems the political cost of locking up a widely known and respected leader with support from across the continent was too much. After taking recesses to surely consult with the powers at be, instead of ordering a trial and sending Berta to prison in the meantime, the judge “provisionally dismissed” the charges. Those standing vigil outside the courthouse celebrated the news of Berta's freedom and the failure of the military's efforts to jail her. The provisional part means that the prosecutor has 5 years to present new evidence but is clear to all involved there will be national and international pushback to any attempt to fabricate charges.

However, the powerful interests behind the project are not giving up. Following the court's decision not to jail Berta, there were new death threats against her and other COPINH and community leaders. It is reported that someone was paid to murder Berta this week and there are indications they may try to criminalize other leaders. The First Battalion of Engineers continues to occupy the zone, literally protecting corporate interests rather than the population. COPINH has denounced that soldiers have even driven company machinery to try to custodian the machinery past the Indigenous Lenca community's blockade. On June 11, when many in the community were away for a mobilization, soldiers and police physically destroyed the roadblock. They then attempted to accompany employees of DESA and SINOHYDRO past the blockade but the small group of women and children present refused to let the company in. On June 16, community members report that 150 soldiers and police arrived at the Rio Blanco blockade, several traveling in company vehicles as they often do. Again the community refused to move, refusing to let the company advance in illegally building a dam in their territory.

The Indigenous Lenca communities are up against very powerful interests who want their territory – in violation of their right to the land that has belonged to their community for centuries, which they have carefully stewarded and plan to pass onto their children. One of the principal investors in the dam is the Honduran Bank FICOHSA, whose president is Camilo Atala, is an extremely powerful businessman identified as one of the “intellectual authors and financers of the coup d’etat.” FICOHSA also exercises significant political power because they purchased Honduras’ internal debt after the 2009 military coup. The World Bank and Central American Bank for Economic Integration are also key investors. A Chinese state company, SINOHYDRO, which is the largest hydropower company in the world is working on the project. As Berta Caceres explains, "we are confronting an oligarchic, banking, financial, and transnational power, as well as the State of Honduras itself and its repressive forces, which have historically aligned themselves with the interests of multinational corporations."

The criminalization and militarization faced by COPINH and the Indigenous communities of Rio Blanco takes place in the context of increasing criminalization of Honduran social movements, especially those who are defending their natural resources as the right-wing government ushered in by the military coup literally sells off the country to multinational corporations and the Honduran oligarchy.

Take action: Click here to e-mail the World Bank, the US Embassy in Honduras, and the Honduran authorities, urging them to end the militarization and criminalization of the Rio Blanco struggle and respect for ILO Convention 169 and the right of the Indigenous Lenca communities of Rio Blanco to decide whether or not they want a hydroelectric dam built on their territory.