San Francisco Activists Liberate Park in Solidarity with Turkish Resistance 2nd June

On June 1st, in sol­i­dar­i­ty with the mas­sive resis­tance in Turkey which began six days ago, Lib­er­ate the Land activists in San Fran­cis­co marched to a park space known as “Hayes Val­ley Farm” and began an occu­pa­tion.

On June 1st, in sol­i­dar­i­ty with the mas­sive resis­tance in Turkey which began six days ago, Lib­er­ate the Land activists in San Fran­cis­co marched to a park space known as “Hayes Val­ley Farm” and began an occu­pa­tion. The piece of land is sched­uled to be turned into con­do­mini­ums, a devel­op­ment project which the pro­tes­tors plan to stop. Not only are they phys­i­cal­ly hold­ing the space with their bod­ies and mul­ti­ple treesits, the group is also plant­i­ng a “Free Farm” for the com­mu­ni­ty, shar­ing reg­u­lar meals, and hold­ing com­mu­ni­ty-build­ing and per­ma­cul­ture work­shops.

Par­tic­i­pants have renamed the space “Gezi Gar­dens” in sol­i­dar­i­ty with the cur­rent rebel­lion in Turkey, which began with the occu­pa­tion of Gezi park in Istan­bul. Pro­test­ers in Istan­bul began occu­py­ing Gezi park when devel­op­ers start­ed rip­ping up the trees to make way for a shop­ping mall. The insane police response sparked an upris­ing that has swept the coun­try. There have been oth­er sol­i­dar­i­ty demon­stra­tions all over the world, includ­ing the reoc­cu­pa­tion of Zuc­cot­ti park in New York City, the orig­i­nal home of Occu­py Wall Street.

Lib­er­ate the Land plans to occu­py indef­i­nite­ly, and has released a state­ment ask­ing oth­ers to join them:

Lib­er­ate the Land invites every­one to join this net­work in the days fol­low­ing today’s lib­er­a­tion, to plant food, cre­ate and pro­mote per­ma­cul­ture, host and attend work­shops, teach and take class­es, play and enjoy music, build, gath­er, exper­i­ment, play, learn, and be togeth­er.  A vibrant com­mu­ni­ty of plants and peo­ple are liv­ing on this land as of this first of June rather than the first lay­ers of con­crete foun­da­tion for con­do­mini­ums.  We invite our neigh­bors in Hayes Val­ley to join us in open dia­logue to fur­ther decide what Gezi Gar­dens will become.

Lib­er­ate the Land is bring­ing into dia­logue the con­cept of com­mon space, a clas­si­fi­ca­tion of space that goes out­side of the dichoto­my of pri­vate and pub­lic and instead places itself as the com­mons. The com­mons exist as the spaces owned and oper­at­ed nei­ther by gov­ern­ments and states, nor cor­po­ra­tions and pri­vate indi­vid­u­als. Instead, the com­mons are owned, or stew­ard­ed, by all peo­ple, with an under­stand­ing that the gifts of the earth are for all to enjoy and that peo­ple need land bases for grow­ing food, har­vest­ing med­i­c­i­nal plans, main­tain­ing healthy forests for build­ing mate­ri­als and fire­wood, wild­craft­ing plants for fab­rics, and host­ing wildlife habi­tat.

Read the rest of the state­ment here, and fol­low @LiberateLand on twit­ter for more updates on Gezi Gar­dens

Plea from Turkey 1st June

Turkey’s protests against the log­ging of trees in  Gezi Park have grown into a nation-wide upheaval. The heavy-hand­ed police response, using tear gas and pep­per spray against bystanders and pro­tes­tors, alike, has ignit­ed a pro­found response against state repres­sion in Turkey.

Envi­ron­men­tal­ism in Turkey as well as East­ern Europe/West Asia has been on the rise in the last 5–10 years, and this mas­sive demon­stra­tion ris­ing from anti-log­ging protests presents a land­mark in the his­to­ry of this region.

Thou­sands of pro­tes­tors have swelled in the streets of every major city in Turkey. More sol­i­dar­i­ty demon­stra­tions are planned from Ger­many to the US. From Athens to Lon­don, San Fran­cis­co to Boston, protests are already draw­ing thou­sands of peo­ple, and more are planned for the future.

Gezi Park is one of the small­est parks in Istan­bul, but the sym­bol­ic val­ue of replac­ing it with an Ottoman-style bar­racks aggra­vates the anti-impe­r­i­al dri­ve of the Turk­ish peo­ple. The police bru­tal­i­ty is shock­ing even to vet­er­ans of pro-democ­ra­cy strug­gles.

Here is an urgent mes­sage from an anony­mous source in Turkey right now: “I am writ­ing you all to ask that you please share any and all infor­ma­tion you can about the cur­rent sit­u­a­tion in Istan­bul. There is des­per­ate need of int‘l sup­port from what I wit­nessed last night and from the news com­ing via social net­work­ing, etc. They are get­ting no domes­tic media atten­tion, and the Prime Min­is­ter has offered no expla­na­tions for the unprece­dent­ed police vio­lence. Gov‘t sup­port­ers also went com­plete­ly unchecked by police last night, beat­ing (and as i under­stand it) killing at least one pro­test­er on their walk home.”

New Teargas Crackdown on Anti-government Protesters in Turkey 31st May

Turk­ish police fired tear gas and water can­non on Fri­day at pro­test­ers occu­py­ing a park in cen­tral Istan­bul, injur­ing scores in the lat­est vio­lent crack­down on anti-gov­ern­ment demon­stra­tions.

Turk­ish police fired tear gas and water can­non on Fri­day at pro­test­ers occu­py­ing a park in cen­tral Istan­bul, injur­ing scores in the lat­est vio­lent crack­down on anti-gov­ern­ment demon­stra­tions.

The protest at Gezi Park start­ed late on Mon­day after devel­op­ers tore up trees but has widened into a broad­er demon­stra­tion against Prime Min­is­ter Tayyip Erdogan’s Islamist-root­ed Jus­tice and Devel­op­ment Par­ty (AKP).

Riot police recent­ly clashed with tens of thou­sands of May Day pro­test­ers in Istan­bul. There have also been protests against the government’s stance on the con­flict in neigh­bor­ing Syr­ia, a recent tight­en­ing of restric­tions on alco­hol sales and warn­ings against pub­lic dis­plays of affec­tion.

Police staged a dawn raid on demon­stra­tors who had been camp­ing for days in Gezi Park in anger at plans to build a shop­ping mall, and clouds of tear gas rose around the area in Tak­sim Square that has long been a venue for polit­i­cal protest.

“We do not have a gov­ern­ment, we have Tayyip Erdogan…Even AK Par­ty sup­port­ers are say­ing they have lost their mind, they are not lis­ten­ing to us,” said Koray Caliskan, a polit­i­cal sci­en­tist at Bospho­rus Uni­ver­si­ty who attend­ed the protest. “This is the begin­ning of a sum­mer of dis­con­tent.”

The Istan­bul Med­ical Cham­ber, a doc­tors’ asso­ci­a­tion, said at least 100 peo­ple sus­tained minor injuries on Fri­day, some of them when a wall they were climb­ing col­lapsed as they tried to flee clouds of tear gas.

Amnesty Inter­na­tion­al said it was con­cerned by what it described as “the use of exces­sive force” by the police against what had start­ed out as a peace­ful protest.

Erdo­gan has over­seen a trans­for­ma­tion in Turkey dur­ing his decade in pow­er, turn­ing its econ­o­my from cri­sis-prone into Europe’s fastest-grow­ing. Per capi­ta income has tripled in nom­i­nal terms since his par­ty rose to pow­er.

He remains by far Turkey’s most pop­u­lar politi­cian, and is wide­ly viewed as its most pow­er­ful leader since Mustafa Kemal Ataturk found­ed the mod­ern sec­u­lar repub­lic on the ash­es of the Ottoman Empire 90 years ago.

The unrest has been far from the sort of mass demon­stra­tions seen in oth­er parts of the Mid­dle East or even parts of Europe in recent years, but it reflects grow­ing oppo­si­tion con­cern about Erdogan’s author­i­tar­i­an­ism.

DEFIANCE

Hun­dreds of mil­i­tary offi­cers have been jailed on charges of plot­ting a coup against Erdo­gan in recent years; oth­ers includ­ing aca­d­e­mics, jour­nal­ists and politi­cians face tri­al on sim­i­lar accu­sa­tions.

Erdo­gan has made no secret of his ambi­tion to run for the pres­i­den­cy in elec­tions next year when his term as prime min­is­ter ends, exac­er­bat­ing oppo­si­tion con­cerns.

“These peo­ple will not bow down to you” read one ban­ner at the Gezi Park protest, along­side a car­toon of Erdo­gan wear­ing an Ottoman emperor’s tur­ban.

Post­ings on social media includ­ing Twit­ter, where “Occu­py Gezi” – a ref­er­ence to protests in New York and Lon­don last year – was a top-trend­ing hash­tag, and Face­book said sim­i­lar demon­stra­tions were planned for the next few days in oth­er Turk­ish cities includ­ing Ankara, Izmir, Adana and Bur­sa.

“Kiss protests” – in which demon­stra­tors are urged to lock lips – had already been planned for Istan­bul and Ankara this week­end after sub­way offi­cials were report­ed to have admon­ished a cou­ple for kiss­ing in pub­lic a week ago.

Erdo­gan is push­ing ahead with a slew of mul­ti-bil­lion dol­lar projects which he sees as embody­ing Turkey’s emer­gence as a major pow­er. They include a ship­ping canal designed to rival Pana­ma or Suez, a giant mosque and a third Istan­bul air­port billed to be one of the world’s biggest.

Speak­ing just a few miles from Gezi Park at the launch on Wednes­day of con­struc­tion of a third bridge link­ing Istanbul’s Euro­pean and Asian shores, Erdo­gan vowed to pur­sue plans to rede­vel­op Tak­sim Square.

Archi­tects, left­ist polit­i­cal par­ties, aca­d­e­mics, city plan­ners and oth­ers have long opposed the plans, say­ing they lacked con­sul­ta­tion with civic groups and would remove one of cen­tral Istanbul’s few green spaces.

Brazil Police Shoot Indians – More Violence Feared 31st May

 

 

The Belo Monte occupation is the latest in a series of protests over the government’s failure to consult with the indigenous population.

Police in south­ern Brazil yes­ter­day killed a Ter­e­na Indi­an and wound­ed sev­er­al oth­ers while vio­lent­ly evict­ing them from their land. Mem­bers of the tribe had returned to live on part of their ances­tral ter­ri­to­ry cur­rent­ly occu­pied by a ranch­er who is also a local politi­cian.

Else­where in Brazil, an evic­tion order was served on Kayapó, Arara, Munduruku, Xipaya and Juruna Indi­ans occu­py­ing the con­tro­ver­sial Belo Monte dam site. Armed police have sur­round­ed the pro­test­ers and ten­sions are ris­ing amid fears that there will be sim­i­lar vio­lence.

Munduruku Indi­ans are also protest­ing con­struc­tion of a dam on the Tapa­jós riv­er. One Munduruku was shot dead when police invad­ed a com­mu­ni­ty last Novem­ber.

Pay­go­muy­at­pu Munduruku said, ‘The gov­ern­ment is prepar­ing a tragedy. We will not leave here. The gov­ern­ment has ignored us, offend­ed us, humil­i­at­ed us and assas­si­nat­ed us… They are killing us because we are against the dams.’

The Brazil­ian con­sti­tu­tion and inter­na­tion­al law enshrine the right of trib­al peo­ples to be con­sult­ed about projects on their land. Yet a raft of bills and con­sti­tu­tion­al amend­ments pro­posed by a pow­er­ful agri­cul­tur­al and min­ing lob­by threat­en to under­mine these land rights. Indi­ans are angry that, despite being in office for two and half years, Pres­i­dent Dil­ma Rouss­eff has yet to meet any Indi­ans.

The Belo Monte occu­pa­tion is the lat­est in a series of protests over the government’s fail­ure to con­sult with the indige­nous pop­u­la­tion.
© Atossa Soltani/ Ama­zon Watch

Sur­vival Inter­na­tion­al is call­ing on Pres­i­dent Rouss­eff to halt the evic­tion of indige­nous pro­test­ers, to con­sult with the Indi­ans, and to rec­og­nize the ter­ri­to­ries of Ter­e­na tribes­peo­ple imme­di­ate­ly.

Survival’s direc­tor Stephen Cor­ry said, ‘His­to­ry is repeat­ing itself. The Figueire­do report, chron­i­cling the geno­ci­dal atroc­i­ties of a past gen­er­a­tion, has been unearthed at exact­ly the same time as new attacks on the Indi­ans are unleashed. Killings of Indi­ans should not be tol­er­at­ed any­where, let alone in a coun­try plan­ning to host world sport­ing events.’

Update From the Amazon: No Consultation, No Construction! 31st May

Indige­nous pro­test­ers are once again occu­py­ing the con­struc­tion site of the Belo Monte Dam in the Brazil­ian Ama­zon to shed light on how hydro­elec­tric mega-dams cause seri­ous envi­ron­men­tal and social impacts and destroy the way of life of the region’s peo­ples and tra­di­tion­al com­mu­ni­ties. For exam­ple, the con­struc­tion of Belo Monte will cause 100 km (60 miles) of the Xin­gu to dry out on the river’s Big Bend if com­plet­ed. In the case of the hydro­elec­tric dams planned for the Tapa­jós Riv­er, the ancient river­side vil­lages of the Mundurukú peo­ple would be com­plete­ly flood­ed.

Indige­nous pro­test­ers occu­pied the Belo Monte Dam con­struc­tion site in ear­ly and late May 2013 to protest the government’s lack of con­sul­ta­tion with affect­ed com­mu­ni­ties tho­rugh out the Ama­zon.
Pho­to cour­tesy of Ruy Sposati via munduruku­de­nun­cia on Flickr

This is the sec­ond occu­pa­tion of Belo Monte’s con­struc­tion site in less than a month. On May 2nd the indige­nous pro­tes­tors occu­pied the same work camp and stayed there for eight days. They left the last occu­pa­tion peace­ful­ly because the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment ensured that there would be a nego­ti­a­tion, which did not hap­pen. In this case the pro­tes­tors guar­an­tee that they will main­tain their occu­pa­tion until rep­re­sen­ta­tives of the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment talk with them and meet their demands.

Indige­nous peo­ple also crit­i­cize the pres­ence of the military’s Nation­al Force in the region in order to ensure safe­ty of teams car­ry­ing out envi­ron­men­tal impact stud­ies for dams on the Tapa­jós Riv­er.

In addi­tion to the police offi­cers who were already housed with­in the con­struc­tion site to ensure the pro­tec­tion of Belo Monte, oth­er con­tin­gents of police have been arriv­ing at the occu­pa­tion site.

See the lat­est let­ter from the occu­pa­tion below:

Let­ter No. 7: Fed­er­al Gov­ern­ment, we have returned

We are indige­nous Munduruku, Xipaya, Kayapo, Arara and Tupinam­bá peo­ple. We live in the riv­er and the for­est and we are opposed to the destruc­tion of both. You already know us, but now we are more.

You (the Gov­ern­ment) said that if we left the con­struc­tion sites of Belo Monte, we would be heard. We left peace­ful­ly – and pre­vent­ed you from the shame of using force to take us out of here. How­ev­er we were not heard. The gov­ern­ment did not receive us. We called Min­is­ter Gilber­to Car­val­ho and he did not come.

Wait­ing and call­ing did not work for us. So we again occu­pied your con­struc­tion sites. We didn’t want to be back in your desert of holes and con­crete. We have no plea­sure in leav­ing our homes and our lands to hang our ham­mocks in your build­ings. But how not to come when that could mean we los­ing our lands?

We want the sus­pen­sion of stud­ies and the con­struc­tion of dams that flood our ter­ri­to­ries, cut the for­est down the mid­dle, kill the fish and scare the ani­mals, and open the riv­er and the land to the devour­ing min­ers. That will bring more com­pa­nies, more log­gers, more con­flicts, more pros­ti­tu­tion, more drugs, more dis­eases, more vio­lence.

We require that you con­sult us about this con­struc­tion before it begins, because it is our right guar­an­teed by the Brazil­ian Con­sti­tu­tion and inter­na­tion­al treaties. This right was dis­re­spect­ed here in Belo Monte, on the Teles Pires Riv­er, and it’s not being com­plied with on the Tapa­jós Riv­er as well. It is not pos­si­ble that all of you will con­tin­ue repeat­ing that indige­nous peo­ple were con­sult­ed. Every­one knows that this is not true.

From now on, YOU (the Gov­ern­ment) has to stop telling lies in press releas­es and inter­views. You need to stop treat­ing us like chil­dren: naive, irre­spon­si­ble, and manip­u­la­tive. We are indige­nous peo­ple and you need to deal with it. You also need to stop lying to the press that we are fight­ing with the work­ers: they are sym­pa­thet­ic to our cause! We wrote a let­ter to them yes­ter­day! Here at the con­struc­tion sites we played soc­cer togeth­er every day dur­ing the last occu­pa­tion. When we left, a work­er to whom we gave many neck­laces and bracelets told us: “I’ll miss you.”

We have the sup­port of many rel­a­tives in this fight. We have the sup­port of all the indige­nous peo­ple from the Xin­gu. We have the sup­port of the Kayapo. We have the sup­port of the Tupinam­bá;  the Gua­ja­jara; the Apina­jé; Xer­ente; Krahô, Kara­ja; Xam­bioá-Tapuia; Krahô-Kanela; Avá-Canoero; javaé Kanela from Tocan­tins and Guarani. And the list is grow­ing. We have the sup­port of the nation­al and inter­na­tion­al soci­ety even though that both­ers you – you are alone with your cam­paign donors and com­pa­nies inter­est­ed in craters and mon­ey.

We occu­pied your con­struc­tion sites again – and how many times will we need to do this until your own law is respect­ed? How many restrain­ing orders, fees, pos­s­e­sion orders will cost you until you hear us? How many rub­ber bul­lets, bombs and pep­per sprays do you plan to spend until you admit that you are wrong? Or will you kill again? How many indige­nous will you kill besides our rel­a­tive Munduruku, from the Teles Pires, sim­ply because we do not want dams?

And do not send the Nation­al Force to nego­ti­ate for you. Come your­selves. We want Dil­ma to come talk to us.

Thousands of Tibetans Protest Against Mine 30th May

As many as 5,000 Tibetans have protest­ed against Chi­nese min­ing

As many as 5,000 Tibetans have protest­ed against Chi­nese min­ing

oper­a­tions at a site con­sid­ered sacred by local res­i­dents, draw­ing a large secu­ri­ty force to the area and prompt­ing fears of clash­es, accord­ing to Tibetan sources this week.

The protest last Fri­day took place at Nagl­ha Dzamb­ha moun­tain in Tibet’s Driru (in Chi­nese, Biru) coun­ty, the scene of sim­i­lar protests two years ago, sources said.

“On May 24, about 100 mem­bers a Chi­nese com­pa­ny arrived at Nagl­ha Dzamb­ha on the pre­text of putting up cable tow­ers and pow­er lines and build­ing hydro­elec­tric projects for the ben­e­fit of the peo­ple,” a res­i­dent of the area told an RFA Tibetan Ser­vice call-in show on Sat­ur­day.

“Actu­al­ly, they were there to mine min­er­als,” the source said, speak­ing on con­di­tion of anonymi­ty.

About 5,000 local Tibetans then gath­ered in Driru to protest, he said, and of that num­ber, 3,500 went to the pil­grim­age site to demand an end to the project, say­ing “Please leave our resources where they are.”

Six men cho­sen to rep­re­sent the peo­ple of Driru approached the Chi­nese com­pa­ny with a peti­tion not to fur­ther harm the local envi­ron­ment, but author­i­ties on Sat­ur­day deployed secu­ri­ty forces in about 50 trucks to the protest site, RFA’s source said.

Coun­ty author­i­ties lat­er “gave in to the pop­u­lar out­cry and made an announce­ment to that effect,” eas­ing imme­di­ate fears of a crack­down, but Tibet’s India-based exile gov­ern­ment in a sep­a­rate report described the sit­u­a­tion in Driru as “tense.”

Fre­quent stand­offs

Min­ing oper­a­tions in Tibetan regions have led to fre­quent stand­offs with Tibetans who accuse Chi­nese firms of dis­rupt­ing sites of spir­i­tu­al sig­nif­i­cance and pol­lut­ing the envi­ron­ment as they extract local wealth.

In March, oper­a­tions at the Gya­ma mine in Tibet’s Mal­dro Gongkar coun­ty near Lhasa caused a cat­a­stroph­ic land­slide that killed 83 min­ers.

And in Jan­u­ary, Tibetan sources told RFA that Chi­nese-oper­at­ed mines in Lhun­drub coun­ty, also near Lhasa, have caused “severe” dam­age to local forests, grass­lands, and drink­ing water.

Waste from the mines, in oper­a­tion since 2005, “has been dumped in the local riv­er, and min­ing activ­i­ties have pol­lut­ed the air,” one source said.

Turkish Activists Resist Destruction of Taksim Square Park 29th May

Turkey Protest

A sim­ple protest by Turk­ish cit­i­zens against the cut­ting dow

Turkey Protest

A sim­ple protest by Turk­ish cit­i­zens against the cut­ting down of trees in the cen­ter of Tak­sim Square in Istan­bul turned into a great oppor­tu­ni­ty for riot police to break out the pep­per spray.

Local demon­stra­tors and a num­ber of par­lia­men­tary deputies par­tial­ly blocked the demo­li­tion of the last green pub­lic space in the cen­ter of Istan­bul on May 28, despite police forces again resort­ing to tear gas to dis­perse the group. The strug­gle even­tu­al­ly trans­formed into a night-long sit-in protest by the demon­stra­tors.

Peace and Democ­ra­cy Par­ty (BDP) Istan­bul deputy Sır­rı Süreyya Önder helped halt an oper­a­tion to remove trees in Tak­sim Gezi Park when he obstruct­ed the path of a bull­doz­er, amid run­ning alter­ca­tions between demon­stra­tors on one side and police and com­pa­ny work­ers on the oth­er. Önder demand­ed the license for the demo­li­tion, which was not pro­vid­ed by munic­i­pal­i­ty work­ers.

Turkey Protest

Police pulled out of the area as dusk set, allow­ing around 1,000 pro­test­ers to stage a mini-fes­ti­val dur­ing which they vowed that the park would not be turned over to “land spec­u­la­tors.” A group of pro­test­ers said they planned to stand guard at the site all night long to pre­vent any night-time demo­li­tion.

Pro­test­ers first gath­ered late May 27 in response to social media mes­sages alert­ing activists to the arrival of work­ers tasked with cut­ting down trees on the site, on which the Topçu Kışlası (Artillery Bar­racks) are set to be rebuilt as part of the rul­ing Jus­tice and Devel­op­ment Party’s (AKP) con­tro­ver­sial plan to pedes­tri­an­ize Tak­sim Square.

Turkey Protest

“They are plan­ning to demol­ish at night; we will be here to stop them until this thing is can­celed,” Önder post­ed on his offi­cial Twit­ter account. Gülseren Onanç, a for­mer deputy of the main oppo­si­tion Repub­li­can People’s Par­ty (CHP), also joined the pro­test­ers, while CHP deputy Gürsel Tekin also came to Gezi Park to sup­port the protests.

APTOPIX Turkey Protest

The rebuild­ing of the bar­racks was approved by the High Coun­cil for Pro­tec­tion of Cul­tur­al and Nat­ur­al Assets on March 1.

Militant Mining Resistance

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Min­ing is one of the most vis­cer­al­ly destruc­tive and hor­rif­ic ways in which the dom­i­nant culture—industr

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Min­ing is one of the most vis­cer­al­ly destruc­tive and hor­rif­ic ways in which the dom­i­nant culture—industrial civilization—enacts its vio­lence on the liv­ing world. As entire­ly and unequiv­o­cal­ly destruc­tive as this soci­ety is, few oth­er indus­tri­al activ­i­ties are as hor­rif­i­cal­ly con­fronting as min­ing. Whole land­scapes are cleared of life as communities—most often indige­nous or poor—are forced from their homes. Moun­tains lev­el to piles of bar­ren rub­ble which leach count­less poi­sons, scour­ing life from whole water­sheds. Pits of unimag­in­able size are carved from the bones of the earth, leav­ing moon­scapes in their wake.

Besides the imme­di­ate dam­age to the land at the site of oper­a­tions, the destruc­tion extends through the uses its prod­ucts are put to. In this way, min­ing is cru­cial to the con­tin­ued func­tion of indus­tri­al civ­i­liza­tion, sup­ply­ing many of the raw mate­ri­als that form the mate­r­i­al fab­ric of indus­tri­al soci­ety. Steel, alu­minum, cop­per, coal, tar sands bitu­men, cement; the mate­ri­als extract­ed through min­ing are cen­tral com­po­nents of indus­tri­al civ­i­liza­tion in an imme­di­ate and phys­i­cal way. They are the build­ing blocks of this soci­ety.

For­tu­nate­ly, as is the way of things, where there is atroc­i­ty and bru­tal­iza­tion, there is resis­tance. There has been a lot of mil­i­tant anti-min­ing action hap­pen­ing recent­ly; in the last few months alone there have been sev­er­al inspir­ing inci­dents of peo­ple tak­ing direct mil­i­tant action against min­ing projects and infra­struc­ture.

In Feb­ru­ary, sev­er­al dozen masked mil­i­tants raid­ed the Hel­las gold mine in Halkidi­ki, Greece. They fire­bombed machin­ery, vehi­cles, and offices at the site. The attack fol­lowed sev­er­al years of legal chal­lenges and pub­lic demonstrations—none of which suc­ceed­ed in stop­ping the mine, which will destroy forests, poi­son ground­wa­ter, and release air pol­lu­tants includ­ing lead, mer­cury and arsenic.

When local res­i­dents tried to stop the mine through the courts the gov­ern­ment ruled against them, claim­ing that the mine would cre­ate jobs. As the Deputy Min­is­ter of Ener­gy and Envi­ron­ment Asi­makis Papa­geor­giou said, “We can no longer accept this [area] being left unex­ploit­ed or bare­ly exploit­ed.”

State­ments like these on the part of those in pow­er, while not nec­es­sar­i­ly sur­pris­ing, help to make clear the real­i­ty we face; the dom­i­nant cul­ture requires the rend­ing of the liv­ing world into dead com­modi­ties. It can’t be per­suad­ed to change, no mat­ter how com­pas­sion­ate and com­pelling the appeals we make. It can only be forced to change.

More recent­ly, the Powhar­nal coal mine in Scot­land was attacked at the begin­ning of April. An anony­mous com­mu­nique was released via Indy­media Scot­land:

At some point over the past week­end mul­ti­ple items of plant machin­ery at an exten­sion to the Powhar­nal open cast coal site in East Ayr­shire were put beyond work­ing use. High val­ue tar­gets includ­ing a prime mover and bull­doz­er were also tar­get­ed to cause max­i­mum dis­rup­tion to work­ings at the mine.

This action presents yet anoth­er hope­ful exam­ple of mil­i­tant action tar­get­ing extrac­tive projects. This was not a sym­bol­ic act of prop­er­ty destruc­tion, but rather one aimed at mate­ri­al­ly dis­rupt­ing and stop­ping destruc­tive activ­i­ty. More so, the actionist(s) specif­i­cal­ly tar­get­ed key equip­ment and infra­struc­ture at the site to max­i­mize the impact of their actions, mak­ing good use of effec­tive sys­tems dis­rup­tion.

A third exam­ple comes from Peru, where in mid-April sev­er­al hun­dred pro­tes­tors stormed the Minas Con­ga gold & cop­per mine, occu­py­ing the site for a short while and burn­ing equip­ment. Besides the imme­di­ate dam­age done by the arson, the action forced the oper­at­ing com­pa­ny, Min­era Yana­cocha, to evac­u­ate per­son­nel and equip­ment, fur­ther dis­rupt­ing their oper­a­tions.

This lat­est protest in April is the lat­est in a con­tin­u­ous and diverse tapes­try of resis­tance to the Minas Con­ga mine. Such direct and mil­i­tant protests and actions last year forced Yana­cocha to put most of the min­ing project on hold, and the strong unyield­ing oppo­si­tion has New­mont Min­ing Cor­po­ra­tion (which owns Yana­cocha) con­sid­er­ing pulling out of the project alto­geth­er. This is yet anoth­er exam­ple of how effec­tive mil­i­tant action can be in stop­ping min­ing and oth­er extrac­tive projects.

Of course there are plen­ty of above­ground and non­vi­o­lent efforts being made to oppose min­ing projects hap­pen­ing as well, and this isn’t meant to detract from or dis­miss their efforts. But the dom­i­nant cul­ture needs access to the raw mate­ri­als that feed the glob­al econ­o­my, and in the end it will secure those resources by force, refus­ing to hear “no!”

Again, this isn’t to say that non­vi­o­lent efforts are by any means doomed to fail­ure each and every time we employ them. It is to acknowl­edge that the entire exis­tence and oper­a­tion of indus­tri­al civ­i­liza­tion requires con­tin­ued access to “raw mate­ri­als” (oth­er­wise known as nat­ur­al liv­ing com­mu­ni­ties), and that the courts, reg­u­la­to­ry sys­tems, and laws have all been designed to pre­serve that arrange­ment. We may win occa­sion­al vic­to­ries here and there, but like a casi­no, they—the House, the cap­i­tal­ists, the min­ers, the extrac­tors, etc.— will always come out ahead in the end.

When above­ground & legal efforts to stop min­ing and oth­er extrac­tion projects fail, as they so often and reli­ably do, those deter­mined to pro­tect the lands and com­mu­ni­ties that are their homes turn to oth­er means.  

Attack­ing and destroy­ing the min­ing infra­struc­tures themselves—the phys­i­cal machines that are the imme­di­ate and direct weapons used to tear up biomes—forces a halt to extrac­tion with an unmatched direct­ness and imme­di­a­cy. Beyond min­ing itself, the strate­gic effi­ca­cy of tar­get­ing infrastructure—as the foun­da­tion­al sup­ports of any system—has been proven time and again by mil­i­taries and resis­tance move­ments around the world.

Of course, attacks tar­get­ing mines alone will like­ly nev­er be enough to stop such harm­ful and destruc­tive process­es alto­geth­er. That can only hap­pen by dis­man­tling indus­tri­al civ­i­liza­tion itself. And like anti-min­ing resis­tance, bring­ing down civ­i­liza­tion will require under­ground action— the tar­get­ing of key nodes of crit­i­cal indus­tri­al sys­tems through coor­di­nat­ed sab­o­tage.

As civ­i­liza­tion con­tin­ues its inces­sant death march around the world— tear­ing apart and destroy­ing ever more of the liv­ing world, ever more human and extra-human com­mu­ni­ties— resis­tance against it must of neces­si­ty become more mil­i­tant. With so much at stake, those resisters in Greece, Scot­land, Peru and else­where using mil­i­tant attacks on indus­tri­al infra­struc­ture to defend their lands and com­mu­ni­ties deserve our undy­ing sup­port. Those of us who val­ue life and jus­tice should not con­demn them, but cel­e­brate them— for theirs is pre­cise­ly the type of action that will be required to stop the mur­der of the liv­ing world.

 

Guatemala Declares Emergency In 4 Towns Following Kidnappings, Shootouts. 3rd May

GUATEMALA CITY, May 2  – Guatemala declared an emer­gency in four south­east­ern towns on Thurs­day, sus­pend­ing cit­i­zens’ con­sti­tu­tion­al rights in an area where dead­ly protests over a pro­posed sil­ver mine have erupt­ed in recent weeks.

Guatemalan Pres­i­dent Otto Perez announced the move in an effort to quell protests tar­get­ing the mine belong­ing to Cana­di­an min­er Tahoe Resources Inc. Two peo­ple have been killed in the demon­stra­tions.

The company’s secu­ri­ty guards shot and wound­ed six demon­stra­tors on Sat­ur­day, said Mauri­cio Lopez, Guatemala’s secu­ri­ty min­is­ter.

The next day, pro­test­ers, who say the Escobal sil­ver mine near the town of San Rafael Las Flo­res will con­t­a­m­i­nate local water sup­plies, kid­napped 23 police offi­cers, Lopez said.

One police offi­cer and a demon­stra­tor were killed in a shootout on Mon­day when police went to free the hostages, said Lopez.

“I am not going to allow this to con­tin­ue,” Perez told reporters. “We have con­duct­ed a six-month inves­ti­ga­tion in this area with the attor­ney general’s office for var­i­ous crim­i­nal activ­i­ties.”

 

Police and mil­i­tary raid­ed the four towns on Thurs­day, arrest­ing 15 peo­ple sus­pect­ed of kid­nap­ping, weapons theft and destruc­tion of pri­vate prop­er­ty.

Tahoe said in a state­ment it regret­ted the injuries to pro­test­ers caused by rub­ber bul­lets, but denied any respon­si­bil­i­ty for the deaths.

“Our inves­ti­ga­tion has shown that only non-lethal mea­sures were tak­en by our secu­ri­ty,” the com­pa­ny said.

The 30-day “state of emer­gency” will sus­pend cit­i­zens’ rights to bear arms and assem­ble peace­ful­ly. It also gives author­i­ties the pow­er, with­out a war­rant, to search res­i­dents sus­pect­ed of crimes.

Min­ing in Guatemala accounts for about 2 per­cent of gross domes­tic prod­uct. The country’s largest gold mine, the Mar­lin mine owned by Canada’s Gold­corp Inc, is expect­ed to pro­duce up to 200,000 ounces this year.

 

Indigenous Peoples Stop Dam Construction With New Occupation at Belo Monte Site 2nd May

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Altami­ra, Brazil – Some 200 indige­nous peo­ple affect­ed by the con­struc­tion of large hydro­elec­tric dams in the Ama­zon launched an occu­pa­tion today on one of the main con­struc­tion sites of the Belo Monte dam com­plex on the Xin­gu Riv­er in the Brazil­ian Ama­zon. The group demands that the Brazil­ian gov­ern­ment adopt effec­tive leg­is­la­tion on pri­or con­sul­ta­tions with indige­nous peo­ples regard­ing projects that affect their lands and liveli­hoods. As this has not hap­pened, they are demand­ing the imme­di­ate sus­pen­sion of con­struc­tion, tech­ni­cal stud­ies and police oper­a­tions relat­ed to dams along the Xin­gu, Tapa­jos and Teles Pires rivers. Shock troops of the mil­i­tary police were await­ing indige­nous pro­tes­tors when they arrived at the Belo Monte dam site, but they were unable to impede the occu­pa­tion.

The indige­nous pro­tes­tors include mem­bers of the Juruna, Kayapó, Xipaya, Kuru­aya, Asuri­ni, Parakanã, Arara tribes from the Xin­gu Riv­er, as well as war­riors of the Munduruku, a large tribe from the neigh­bor­ing Tapa­jós riv­er basin. The indige­nous peo­ples are joined by fish­er­men and local river­ine com­mu­ni­ties from the Xin­gu region. Ini­tial reports indi­cate that approx­i­mate­ly 6,000 work­ers at one of the main Belo Monte con­struc­tion sites, Pimen­tal, have ceased oper­a­tions as a result of the protest. The occu­pa­tion, accord­ing to the indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties, will con­tin­ue indef­i­nite­ly or until the fed­er­al gov­ern­ment meets their demands.

 

Indige­nous peo­ples of the Xin­gu and Tapa­jós released this state­ment [Eng­lish trans­la­tion]:

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We are the peo­ple who live in the rivers where you want to build dams. We
are the Munduruku, Juruna, Kayapo, Xipaya, Kuru­aya, Asuri­ni, Parakanã, Arara,
fish­er­men and peo­ples who live in river­ine com­mu­ni­ties. We are Ama­zon­ian
peo­ples and we want the for­est to stand. We are Brazil­ians. The riv­er and the
for­est are our super­mar­ket. Our ances­tors are old­er than Jesus Christ.
 
You are point­ing guns at our heads. You raid our ter­ri­to­ries with war trucks
and sol­diers. You have made the fish dis­ap­pear and you are rob­bing the
bones of our ances­tors who are buried on our lands.
 
You do this because you are afraid to lis­ten to us. You are afraid to hear that
we don’t want dams on our rivers, and afraid to under­stand why we don’t
want them.
 
You invent sto­ries that we are vio­lent and that we want war. Who are the
ones killing our rel­a­tives? How many white peo­ple have died in com­par­i­son to
how many Indige­nous peo­ple have died? You are the ones killing us, quick­ly
or slow­ly. We’re dying and with each dam that is built, more of us will die.
When we try to talk with you, you bring tanks, heli­copters, sol­diers,
machine­guns and stun weapons.

What we want is sim­ple: You need to uphold the law and pro­mote enact­ing
leg­is­la­tion on free, pri­or and informed con­sent for indige­nous peo­ples. Until
that hap­pens you need to stop all con­struc­tion, stud­ies, and police oper­a­tions
in the Xin­gu, Tapa­jos and Teles Pires rivers. And then you need to con­sult us.
 
We want dia­logue, but you are not let­ting us speak. This is why we are
occu­py­ing your dam-build­ing site. You need to stop every­thing and sim­ply
lis­ten to us.

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Occu­pa­tions against the Belo Monte dam com­plex and mobi­liza­tions against oth­er Ama­zon­ian dams have become increas­ing­ly com­mon­place. Con­struc­tion on Belo Monte has been halt­ed on at least sev­en occa­sions over the last year due to the efforts of affect­ed indige­nous com­mu­ni­ties and fish­er­men to call atten­tion to the fail­ures of the Norte Ener­gia dam build­ing con­sor­tium and gov­ern­ment agen­cies to com­ply with the project’s man­dat­ed envi­ron­men­tal and social con­di­tions. On March 21st, approx­i­mate­ly 100 indige­nous peo­ples, river­bank dwellers (ribeir­in­hos) and small farm­ers expelled dam work­ers and occu­pied the Pimen­tal site, main­tained by the Belo Monte Con­struc­tion Con­sor­tium (CCBM). Addi­tion­al­ly, recent strikes and protests by dam work­ers have cre­at­ed addi­tion­al unrest at CCBM con­struc­tion sites.

The Munduruku indige­nous peo­ple and oth­er local com­mu­ni­ties have mobi­lized against a cas­cade of over a dozen large dams slat­ed for con­struc­tion on the neigh­bor­ing Tapa­jós riv­er and its major trib­u­taries, the Teles Pires, Juru­e­na and Jamanx­im. One of the first major dams under con­struc­tion, UHE Teles Pires, has been the sub­ject of law­suits by Fed­er­al Pub­lic Pros­e­cu­tors for lack of pri­or con­sul­ta­tions with the Kayabi, Api­aká and Munduruku indige­nous peo­ples. In recent weeks, the removal of funer­al urns of the Munduruku peo­ple by dam con­trac­tors at the Sete Quedas rapids, con­sid­ered a sacred site for indige­nous tribes, pro­voked out­rage.

Last March Pres­i­dent Dil­ma Rouss­eff signed Decree no. 7957/2013 allow­ing the use of the Nation­al Guard and oth­er armed forces to ensure that dam con­struc­tion at places like Belo Monte and tech­ni­cal stud­ies for planned Ama­zon­ian dams are not inter­rupt­ed by indige­nous pro­tes­tors. In April, upon a request of the Min­istry of Mines and Ener­gy, approx­i­mate­ly 250 fed­er­al and mil­i­tary police troops were dis­patched to the Tapa­jós region to ensure con­tin­u­a­tion of tech­ni­cal stud­ies for the first two large dams sched­uled for con­struc­tion, São Luiz do Tapa­jós and Jato­bá. The mil­i­tary oper­a­tion came in response to protests from the Munduruku peo­ple, whose tra­di­tion­al lands would be direct­ly affect­ed by the two large dams and who have suf­fered from a his­to­ry of mil­i­tary oper­a­tions on their lands.

“Today’s protest demon­strates the relent­less resis­tance of a grow­ing group of unit­ed peo­ples against Belo Monte, Tapa­jós and oth­er destruc­tive dams through­out the Ama­zon,” said Leila Salazar-Lopez, Ama­zon Watch Pro­gram Direc­tor. “These are the final moments to change course as con­struc­tion clos­es in on the Xin­gu and oth­er life­line rivers of the Ama­zon.”

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